الثقافة والكرامة

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ إﱃدراﺳﺔﻛﻴﺪي.ﻫﺬاﻋﻼوةًﻋﲆﻣﺜﺎلآﺧَﺮﻣﻦدراﺳﺔﻷﺑﺮاﻫﺎمﻣﺎرﻛﻮس)٥٨٩١(اﻟﺬي ﻗﺎمﺑﺪراﺳﺔﺳﺠﻼتﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢﺣﻠﺐﰲﺳﻮرﻳﺎﰲﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒاﻟﻘﺮناﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦﻋﴩ)ﻛﺎنﺗﻌﺪاد ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﺼﻞإﱃ٠٠١أﻟﻒﻧﺴﻤﺔ(،واﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔاﻹدارﻳﺔﻟﻮﻻﻳﺔﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔﺷﺎﺳﻌﺔ.ﻛﺎﻧﺖ المﺤﻜﻤﺔاﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔﻫﻲﻏﺮﻓﺔالمﻘﺎﺻﺔاﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﻛﺎﻧﺖﺗﻔﺼﻞﰲاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻼتالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﻼك،وﻛﺎناﻟﺮﺟﺎلواﻟﻨﺴﺎءﻣﻦﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒاﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎتواﻷﺣﻴﺎءﻳﻠﺠَﺌُﻮنإﻟﻴﻬﺎﻟﻠﺘﻈﻠﱡﻢ.وﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﱠﻠﺖاﻟﺪراﺳﺔإﱃﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔﻏيرﻣﺘﻮﻗﱠﻌﺔﺑﺨﺼﻮصﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔالمﺮأةﻓﻴﻤﺎﻳﺘﻌﻠﱠﻖﺑﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔالمﻨﺎزل والمﻌﺎﻣﻼتاﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔ؛ﺣﻴﺚﻛﺎﻧﺖاﻟﻌﻘﺎراتأﺣﺪالمﺠﺎﻻتاﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎرﻳﺔالمﺘﺎﺣﺔﺑﺪرﺟﺔأﻛﱪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔإﱃالمﺮأة،وﻳﺒﺪوأﻧﻪﻟﻢﻳﻜﻦﺛﻤﺔﺗﻌﺎرضٌﺑينﻣﺒﺪأﺟﻤﻊاﻟﺜﺮوةواﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪﻋﲆ اﻟﻔﺼﻞﺑيناﻟﻨﺴﺎءواﻟﺮﺟﺎل.وﺗﺠﱪﻧﺎﻫﺬهاﻟﺪراﺳﺔاﻟﺘﻲأﺟﺮاﻫﺎﻣﺎرﻛﻮسﻋﲆإﻋﺎدة اﻟﺘﻔﻜيرﰲاﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﻳﻘﻴﻤﻬﺎاﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬةالمﻌﺎﴏونﺣﻮلﻇﻮاﻫﺮﻛﺎﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔواﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔ؛ﺣﻴﺚإﻧﻬﺎﺗﺆﺛﱢﺮﻋﲆأدواراﻟﺒﴩواﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎتﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ.وﻗﺪﻳﻜﻮناﻟﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﻟﻐﺮاﺑﺔاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔﺑيناﻟﺮﺟﻞوالمﺮأةﰲﺣﻠﺐﻫﻮﺗﺒﻨﱢﻴﻨﺎﻓﺮﺿﻴﺎتٍﻣﻌﻴﱠﻨﺔًﺣﻮلدور المﺮأةﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ)ﻧﻴﻠﺴﻮنوأوﻟﺴﻦ،٧٧٩١(،وﻟﻜﻦﻳﺒﺪوأناﻟﺮﺟﺎلواﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﰲﺣﻠﺐاﻟﻘﺮناﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦﻋﴩﻟﻢﻳﺠﺪواﻏﻀﺎﺿﺔًﰲاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣُﻞﻣﻊاﻷﻣﻮرالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔﺑﺎلمﻌﺎﻣﻼت اﻟﻌﻘﺎرﻳﺔوالمﺎﻟﻴﺔواﻟﻮﻗﻔﻴﺔوﻣﺎإﱃذﻟﻚ.وﰲﻫﺬااﻹﻃﺎر،ﺳﻴﻜﻮنﻣﻦالمﻔﻴﺪدراﺳﺔﻣﺪى ﺗﺄﺛﱡﺮﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦرأسالمﺎلوإﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔالمﺮأةﺑﺎﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎتاﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔﰲدولاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚﺑﺸﻜﻞٍ أﻋﻢﱠ)ﺑﻮﻟﺪﻳﻨﺞ،٦٧٩١؛ﺗﺎﻛﺮ،٦٨٩١(. اﻟﺨﻼﺻﺔ:ﴐورةاﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰﺑيناﻟﻬﻮﻳﺎت ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎدراﺳﺔاﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎتاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔﰲإﻃﺎرﻫﺎاﻷﻛﱪالمﺘﻤﺜﱢﻞﰲﻣﺤﺎوﻻتاﻷﻣﻢ والمﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻟﺤﻔﺎظﻋﲆﻫﻮﻳﺎﺗﻬﺎﰲﺳﻴﺎقاﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞالمﺘﺰاﻳﺪﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ،ﻛﻤﺎﰲﺣﺮب اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةﻋﲆأﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن،وذﻟﻚإنْﻛﻨﱠﺎﻧﺮﻳﺪﻓﻬْﻢَﻋﻘﺎﺋﺪإﺧﻀﺎعالمﺮأةﰲالمﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔاﻷﺑﻮﻳﺔ.وﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎر،ﻳﻤﻜﻦاﻟﻨﻈﺮإﱃﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔإﺧﻀﺎعالمﺮأةﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺎوﻻتٍﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎظﻋﲆاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔالمﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔﰲاﻷﻣﻢاﻟﺘﻲﻳﺘﺰاﻳﺪﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎاﺳﺘﺸﻌﺎرُاﻟﺨﻄﺮﰲﻇﻞﱢ ﺗﻄﻮﱡراتﻋﻼﻗﺎتاﻟﻘﻮةاﻟﺪوﻟﻴﺔ.وﰲﻫﺬااﻟﺴﻴﺎقﻧﺠﺪأنﻧﺸﺄةاﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎتاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻻﺗﻜﻮنﻣﺠﺮدﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎشاﻟﺪاﺧﲇﺣﻮلﻋﺪمالمﺴﺎواةﺑيناﻟﺮﺟﻞوالمﺮأةﰲﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻌينﱠ،وﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔﻛﺬﻟﻚﻟﻠﻨﻘﺎﺷﺎتﺑيناﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎتاﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪةﰲﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ؛ إذإناﻟﱰﺗﻴﺒﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺄﺧﺬﻫﺎأﺷﻜﺎلاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎتﺑيناﻟﺠﻨﺴينﻫﻲﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎتﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ 134

اﻻﺳﺘﴩاقواﻻﺳﺘﻐﺮابواﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةﻋﲆالمﺮأة ﻣﻌﻘﱠﺪةﻳﻤﻜﻦرﺑﻄﻬﺎﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮوقاﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻫﻲﻋﺎلمﺔاﻷﻧﺜﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎاﻷوﱃاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻄﺮحﻓﻜﺮةأناﻟﻔﺮوقﺑ ﻗﺪﻋﺰﱠزتاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔالمﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔداﺧﻞالمﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ،واﻟﻴﻮمَﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐﻓﻜﺮﺗُﻬﺎدﻻﻟﺔًﺟﺪﻳﺪةﰲﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻌﻴﺪاﻟﺬيﻳﻄﺮحﻓﻴﻪﻓﻜﺮةأناﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴينﻗﺪأﻗﺎﻣﻮااﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲﻣﻦأﺟﻞأﻏﺮاﺿﻬﻢ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ،إﻻأنأﻋﻤﺎلﺳﻌﻴﺪﻳﻨﻘﺼﻬﺎﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞُاﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﻼءمﺑﻬﺎاﻟﺼﻮرالمﺄﺧﻮذة ﻋﻦاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎتﺑيناﻟﺠﻨﺴينﻣﻊالمﻨﻈﻮراﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ،أواﻟﻄﺮقاﻟﺘﻲﻳُﻜﻮﱢنﺑﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲرؤاهﺣﻮلاﻟﻐﺮب.وﺗﻜﺘﺴﺐﻫﺬهالمﺴﺎﺋﻞأﻫﻤﻴﺔًﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔًﺣين ﻧﺘﻨﺎولﺗﻔﺴيرات واﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎدالمﺘﺒﺎدَلﺑيناﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒيناﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎديواﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ. وﻣﻦأﻫﻢاﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻮاﺟِﻪاﻟﺪراﺳﺎتالمﻌﻨِﻴﱠﺔﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺴيراﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲﻟﻠﻬُﻮﻳﺔاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ، اﻟﻌﺠﺰُﻋﻦأﺧﺬاﻟﺘﻐيرﱡاتاﻟﺘﻲﺗَﺴﺘَﺠِﺪﱡﻋﲆاﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎتاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔﰲاﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر.واﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲﻟﻠﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔﻳﺆدﱢيأﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎإﱃرﺳﻢﺻﻮرﺟﺎﻣﺪةﻻﺗﻘﻞﱡﰲﺣﺘﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎﻋﻦاﻟﺘﻔﺴيرات اﻟﺒﻴﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔﻷدواراﻟﺮﺟﻞ/المﺮأةﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻊ.وﺗﺸيرﺳﺎﻧﺪيإﱃأن ﻋﻠﻴﻪﻣﺨﻄﱠﻄﺎتُأدواراﻟﺠﻨﺴينﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞﻣﻦﺟﻴﻞٍإﱃاﻟﺘﺎﱄدونﺗﻐﻴيرﻳُﺬﻛَﺮ ٥١(،ﻣﺎﻟﻢﻳﻄﺮأاﺧﺘﻼلﺷﺪﻳﺪﻋﲆاﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔواﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ.وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦاﺗﺴﺎع ﻧﻄﺎقاﻟﺘﺄﺛيراﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲواﻷوروﺑﻲاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲﻋﲆﺑﻘﻴﺔاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ،ﻳﻮﺟﺪاﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞﻣﻦاﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦاﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢﺗﺘﺒﺪﱠلﻓﻴﻬﺎأدواراﻟﺠﻨﺴينﺗﺒﺪﱡﻻًﺟﺬرﻳٍّﺎﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔًﻟﻠﺘﻐيرﱡاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎديواﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ،وﻟﻜﻦﻻ ﺷﻚأناﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂﻛﺎنﴍﻳﻜًﺎﰲاﻟﺘﻐيرﱡﻣﻦﺟﺮﱠاءاﻻرﺗﺒﺎطﺑﻴﻨﻪوﺑيناﻟﻐﺮب. وإﻧﻨﻲأﻗﻮلﻣﻦﺧﻼلﻫﺬااﻟﻔﺼﻞإناﻷﺳﻠﻮﺑَينْاﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻲوالمُﻘﺎرَنﰲاﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻣﻔﻴﺪانﰲإﻟﻘﺎءاﻟﻀﻮءﻋﲆﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎتٍﻛﺎﻧﺖﺳﺘﻈﻞﰲاﻟﺨﻔﺎءﻟﻮﻻﻫﻤﺎ،ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎتﺗﻜﺒﺖ المﻌﺮﻓﺔوﺗﻜﺒﺢاﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ.ﻓﻤﺜﻼًاﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎتالمﻘﺎوَﻣﺔﻟﻴﺴﺖﻧﺴﻮﻳﱠﺔﰲاﻷﺻﻞ،ﺑﻞﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ارﺗﺒﺎﻃًﺎﻣﺒﺎﴍًِاﺑﺸﻜﻞﻫﻴﻜﻞاﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔاﻟﺬﻛﻮرﻳﺔ.وﻋﻨﺪﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞأوﺿﺎعالمﺮأةﰲﻛﻞﱟﻣﻦ المﺠﺘﻤﻌَينْاﻷﺑﻮﻳﱠينْاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲواﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲﰲإﻃﺎرﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔﻋﺎﻣﺔ،وﻋﻨﺪدراﺳﺘﻬﺎﻣﻦﺧﻼلوﺿﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎإﱃﺟﻮارﺑﻌﺾوإﱃﺟﻮاراﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎتاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔاﻟﻌﺎلمﻴﺔ،ﻳﺘﻀﺢﻣﺪىارﺗﺒﺎط أﺷﻜﺎلاﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةاﻟﺬﻛﻮرﻳﺔﺑﺄﻧﻤﺎطالمﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔاﻟﺬﻛﻮرﻳﺔ)ﺑيناﻟﴩقواﻟﻐﺮبﻣﺜﻼً(،وﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻌﻨﻰالمﻨﻈﻮراﻟﻘﺎﺋﻞﺑﺄﻧﻪﻧﻈﺮًالمﺮﺗﺒﺔالمﺮأةﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻊﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎراﻋﻴﺔًﻟﻸﴎة،ﻓﻬﻲﺗُﻌَﺪﱡ ذاتأﻫﻤﻴﺔﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔإﱃأﻧﻈﻤﺔاﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةالمﺤﻠﻴﺔاﻷﻛﱪ. ﰲاﻟﻐﺮبأﻗﺎﻣﺖاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎتوﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎتاﻷﻋﻤﺎلﻧﻮﻋًﺎﻣﻦاﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔورﺳﱠﺨﺘﻬﺎ وﻧﴩﺗﻬﺎﺑينﺷﻌﻮﺑﻬﺎ،وﻧﻘﻠﺘﻬﺎإﱃاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲﻋﻦﻃﺮﻳﻖوﺳﺎﺋﻞاﻹﻋﻼموالمﺆﺳﺴﺎت 135

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻟﱰﺑﻮﻳﺔواﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮﻳﺔ؛أﻣﺎﰲاﻟﴩق،ﻓﻄﺎلمﺎﻛﺎﻧﺖاﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔاﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔوﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎاﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﴫﻳﻦﻗﻮﻳﱠينْﰲاﻟﺘﺄﺻﻴﻞﻟﻠﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ،وﻛﺬﻟﻚﰲﺟﻬﻮداﻟﺘﺼﺪﱢيﻟﻬﺬهاﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ. وﺗﱰكاﻟﻘﻮىالمﺤﺮﱢﻛﺔﻟﻠﻌﻤﻠﻴﺘينالمﺮأةَﻏﺎرﻗﺔًﰲدواﻣﺔ.وﻳﺆدﱢياﻟﻌﺰوفﻋﻦﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔﻛﻼ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣينﰲإﻃﺎرﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔﺗﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔﻋﺎﻣﺔ،إﱃاﻟﺘﺤﻴﱡﺰﺿﺪاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔًﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲﻧُﻜﻮﱢنﺑﻬﺎﻓﻜﺮﺗُﻨﺎﻋﻦأﺳﻠﻮبﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﻢﻟﻠﻤﺮأة.وﰲﻧﻔﺲاﻟﻮﻗﺖ،ﻓﺈنﻧﻈﺮةَاﻟﺘﻘﺪﱡم المﺘﻨﺎﻣﻲاﻟﺘﻲﻳﺮىﺑﻬﺎاﻟﻐﺮبأوﺿﺎﻋَﻪ—وﻳﺮﴇﻋﻦﻧﻔﺴﻪﰲﺿﻮﺋﻬﺎ—ﻣﱰﺳﱢﺨﺔٌ وداﺋﻤﺔ،وﻫﻮﻣﺎﻳﻌﻤﻞﻋﲆﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞاﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎهﻋﻦاﻵﻟﻴﺎتالمﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔﻟﺒﺴﻂاﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲأوروﺑﺎاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔواﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة. إنﺻﻮرةالمﺮأةﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻷﺧﺮىﺗﻌﺰﱢزﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪإﺧﻀﺎعالمﺮأةوﺗﺒﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎﰲﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ المﺮءﻧﻔﺴﻪ.أﻳﻀًﺎﻣﻦالمﺤﺘﻤﻞأﻧﻪﺣﺪثﺗﺮاﺟﻊﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔالمﺮأةﺑﺸﻜﻞﻋﺎمﻣﻊﺻﻌﻮداﻟﺪول المﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔوﺗﻄﻮﱡرﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎتﻣﺘﻌﺪدةﻹﺧﻀﺎعالمﺮأة؛ﻫﺬاﻋﻼوةًﻋﲆاﻟﺪﻋﻢِاﻟﻘﻮيﻟﻈﻬﻮر أﻧﻈﻤﺔﻣﺘﻌﺪﱢدةﻹﺧﻀﺎعالمﺮأةﰲﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔواﺣﺪةﻣﻤﺎﻳُﻔﺎﻗِﻢوﺿْﻊَالمﺮأة،واﻟﻈﻬﻮرِالمﺘﺰاﻣﻦ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎتﻧﻘﺪأوﺿﺎعإﺧﻀﺎعالمﺮأةﻧﻘﺪًاﻗﻮﻳٍّﺎﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪًا،ﻋﲆاﻟﻨﺤﻮاﻟﺬيﻳﻌﱪﱢﻋﻨﻪاﻟﺮﺟﺎل واﻟﻨﺴﺎءﻣﻦالمﺠﺘﻤﻊاﻵﺧَﺮ.وﻫﻨﺎﺗﻈﻬﺮالمﻘﺎوﻣﺔﰲﺻﻮرةاﻟﺘﺰاﻣﻦﺑينﻧﻘﺪاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔاﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ وﺑينأﺣﺪأﺷﻜﺎلاﻟﺪﻓﺎعﻋﻦﺣﻘﻮقالمﺮأةﻣﻦﻣﻨﻈﻮرﻏﺮﺑﻲ. وإذاﻛﺎﻧﺖآﻟﻴﺎتاﻹﺧﻀﺎعﻣﻮﺟﻮدةًﰲﺑﺮاﻣﺞاﻟﺪﻋﻢاﻟﺘﻨﻤﻮيواﻟﻨﻈﺮةاﻟﺘﻔﺎؤﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺼيرةالمﺪىﰲاﻟﻐﺮب،وﰲاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔﰲاﻟﴩق،إذنﻓﺈناﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔاﻷﻛﺎدﻳﻤﻴﺔ واﻷﻧﺜﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﻴﺢاﺗﱢﺒﺎعﻣﻨﻬﺞٍﻣﺘﺨﻔﱢﻒٍﻣﻦﺛﻘﻞﺷﺒﻜﺎتاﻟﺘﴪﻳﺐاﻻﺳﺘﴩاﻗﻴﺔ أواﻻﺳﺘﻐﺮاﺑﻴﺔ،ﺗﺘﻤﺜﱠﻞﰲﺗﻐﻴيرأﺳﻠﻮباﻟﺘﻔﻜيرﰲالمﺮأة،وﰲﺗﻀﻤﱡﻦِاﻟﺪراﺳﺎتاﻟﺠﻨﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺼﻮﱡرٍﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲﱟﻣﻘﺎرَنﻣُﻬﻴﱠﺄﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرﺻﺤﺔاﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺎت. إﱃﺣﺪﱟﻣﺎ،ﺗﺴﺎﻋِﺪاﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ—وﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔاﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ—ﻋﲆﻓﻬﻢﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻌﻤﻞﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎتﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔﻣﻦاﻷﻓﻜﺎرﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎأداةَﺳﻴﻄﺮةٍ،وﻛﻴﻒﺗﺒﺪوﻫﺬهالمﻨﻈﻮﻣﺎت ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺔًﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔإﱃﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ.وﻛﻤﺎأﺛﺒﺘﺖآﻟﻴﺔُ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘَﻬﺎﰲﻓﻬﻢﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎتاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎتﺑيناﻟﺠﻨﺴينداﺧﻞالمﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت)ﺑﻤﺎﻓﻴﻬﺎﺳﻠﻄﺔالمﺮأة(، ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎﻛﺬﻟﻚاﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎمﺑﺪرﺟﺔٍأﻋﲆﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢأﻧﺴﺎقﻣﻌﻘﱠﺪةﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔﻣﻦاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت ﺑيناﻟﺮﺟﺎلواﻟﻨﺴﺎءﰲإﻃﺎراﻟﺪراﺳﺔالمﻘﺎرﻧﺔﻣﺎﺑينﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻷولوﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ،ﰲﺳﺒﻴﻞإﻟﻘﺎءاﻟﻀﻮءﻋﲆوﺳﺎﺋﻞاﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةالمﺘﺄﺻﱢﻠﺔﰲاﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت 16اﺳﺘﻌﻼءالمﻜﺎﻧﺔ 136

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اﻻﺳﺘﴩاقواﻻﺳﺘﻐﺮابواﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةﻋﲆالمﺮأة Wolf,Eric(1982) Europe and the People without History.Berkeley,LosAn- gelesandLondon:UniversityofCaliforniaPress. ﻗﺮاءاتإﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ de Beauvoir, Simone (1953)The Second Sex . New York: Alfred Knopf Publisher. Ortner,Sherry(1974)IsFemaletoMaleasNatureistoCulture?In Woman, Culture and Society, Michelle Z. Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere, eds. Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress,pp.68–87. ﻫﻮاﻣﺶ 1)Throughoutthetext,Iusedogmaadvisedly,tohighlighttheprob- lemofmeaninginsuchdescriptionsas“maledominance”or“femalesub- ordination.”Theseareoftenusedasarticlesoffaith,assumedbutnotex- amined.Foranattempttoexplicatedifferenttypesof“maledominance,” see Peggy Sanday’sFemale Power and Male Dominance (1981). As Fou- cault(1978:93)pointsout,power“isnotaninstitution,andnotastruc- ture:neitherisitacertainstrengthweareendowedwith;itisthename that one attributes to a complex strategical relationship in a particular society.” (2) The differences between orientalism and occidentalism were broughttomyattentionthroughafruitfuldiscussionwithmygraduate studentSaddekaArebioftextsthatwerewritteninArabicontheWest.In thiscontextitisinstructivetorefertoEricWolf’s Europe and the People without History.Wolfargues(1982:6-7)thatthecategoriesofEastand 143

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ Westencourageustocreatefalsemodelsofreality.However,theindige- nous peoples of the East and the West use these two categories as folk categoriesthatdescribe“theother.” (3)Whilethisisgenerallytrue,somethinkthatBoserup’sstudyadvo- catespolicyprescriptionsnodifferentfromthoseofdevelopmentagen- cies(see,forexample,BeneriaandSen,1981). (4)SeealsothediscussionofthissamepointinChapter2,pp.24–50. (5) The male bias in ethnographic reporting is being documented. See for example, Nelson (1974), Pastner (1978), and also Rattray (1955: 84:quotedinRogers,1980:145).WhenRattray’sinformantscommented thattheydidnotstresstheroleofwomentotheanthropologistsbecause “thewhitemanneveraskedusthis;youhavedealingswithandrecognize onlymen,wesupposedtheEuropeansconsideredwomenofnoaccount andweknowyoudonotrecognizethemaswehavealwaysdone!” (6) See for example, Bullough (1973: especially pages 134-135). Stereotypes,bydefinition,maycarryparttruthsornotruths.Theseareas ofseemingcontrastarebasedontheassumptionthatveiling,thecultof virginity,forcedmarriage,clitoridectomyandpolygynyarecharacteris- tically“Islamic.”TheseinstitutionspredateIslamasHerodotusreported inthefifthcenturyBC,andcross-culturalresearchrevealsthattheyare known to different religions and cultures in Latin America, India, sub- SaharanAfrica,SriLankaandEurope. (7)AnexhibitionintheCollegeLibraryatHarvardUniversityarranged by Alice C. Deyab in 1988 reported that women in the Arab world had publishedtheirownmagazinesforalmost100yearsandthesemagazines thennumberedover300.IncontrasttotheownersofWesternwomen’s magazines,whowerepredominantlymale,some95%ofthosewhoowned, published,editedandwroteArabwomen’smagazineswerefemale(Har- vardUniversityLibraryNotes,March24,1988). 144

اﻻﺳﺘﴩاقواﻻﺳﺘﻐﺮابواﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةﻋﲆالمﺮأة 8)Thefactthatwomenconstitutethemajorityofthepoorandim- poverishedisevidentenoughinAmericanculture(see,e.g.,Scott,1984). IntheThirdWorldthesameistrue(seee.g.,Sarri,1985).Sarridiscloses that,whilewomencomprisemorethanhalftheworld’spopulation,they ownlessthan1%ofitspropertyandearnonly10%ofitsincome. (9)SeeDiamond(1974)foradiscussionofthenotionofprogressas inherentinWesterncivilization. (10) See also Hochschild (1989) for an analysis of the double shift problemforAmericanwomenwageworkers. (11)SeealsoErvin-Tripp et al.,1984. (12)SeeJohnson(1988)foradiscussionofthedynamicsofthesetwo rolesinAmericanculture. (13)Seeforexample,AshrafGhani, Order and Conflict: Consolidation of Power through Law: Afghanistan 1880–1901. Unpublishedmanuscript. (14)JaneCollier(1986)providesanexampleofhowfashionentersin tocontroleventheanthropologist’sobservationofwhatisbeautiful. (15) Fanon’s A Dying Colonialism (1967) illustrates how the French colonialistsplannedandbasedtheirstrategiesandtacticsinAlgeriaon thisconceptionofwomenasakeytoculture. (16) Foranexampleofpositionalsuperiority,seethefrontpagear- ticleintheSanFranciscoChronicle,June27,1988,“WomenCalledPoor, Pregnant and Powerless.” In worldwide studies of the status of women, Western categories of wage, numbers of children and levels of school- ing,showWesternsocietiesareamongthetopdozensocieties,while,not surprisingly,thewomenofMuslimsocietiesarefoundatthebottomofa ladderthatlooksverymuchlikeanineteenthcenturyunilinealmodelof socialevolution. 145

اﻟﻔﺼﻞاﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﳌﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺸﺌﺔاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةوﻏيرﻫﺎﻣﻦاﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺸﻌﺮاﻵﺑﺎءﺑﺎﻟﻌﺠﺰ،ﻓﺈناﻟﺴﺒﺐﻻﻳﻜﻤﻦﰲﺣﺎﺟﺘﻬﻢﺣﻘٍّﺎﻟﻠﺘﻘﻮﻳﻢأو اﻟﻌﻼجأواﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ،وﻟﻜﻦﰲأﻧﻬﻢﻋﺎﺟﺰونﻧﺴﺒﻴٍّﺎﰲﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊاﻟﻴﻮم. ﻛﻴﻨﺴﺘﻮنوﻣﺠﻠﺲﻛﺎرﻧﻴﺠﻲالمﻌﻨﻲﱢﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل،٧٧٩١ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻧﺸﺄتﺣﺮﻛﺔاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﰲأﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎاﻟﻘﺮناﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊﻋﴩﻣﻊﻇﻬﻮرﻧﻮعﻣﻌينﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔاﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔواﻟﻌﻤﻞﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞأﺟﺮ.وﻣﻦالمﻌﻠﻮمإﱃﺣﺪﱟﻣﺎأناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻗﺪ ﻟﻌﺒﺖدورًاﻣﻬﻤٍّﺎﰲﺗﻨﺸﺌﺔاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة،ﻏيرأنﻫﺬاﻟﻢﻳﻠﻖَاﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎماﻟﺬي ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻖ،وﻫﻮﻣﺎﻛﺎنأﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎراﺟﻌًﺎإﱃاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣُﻞﻣﻊاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎتالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔﺑﺎﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔوﺣﺪﻫﺎ وﻛﺄﻧﻬﺎﻣﺴﺎوﻳﺔﻟﻺﺻﻼحاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲاﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ.ﻋﻼوةًﻋﲆذﻟﻚﻓﺈنﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎتاﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞﺑين اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔواﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ،وﻣﺎﻳﱰﺗﱠﺐﻋﲆﻫﺬااﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋُﻞ ﻣﻦﺗﺤﻔﻴﺰٍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎتأﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔﻳﺘﻢﱡاﻟﺘﻌﺒيرﻋﻨﻬﺎﺑﺎﺳﺘﻐﻼلﻟﻐﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻦﰲاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲﻣﺜﻼً، ﻛﺎدتﺗﻤﺮﱡﻣﺮوراﻟﻜﺮامدونأنﻳﻠﺘﻔﺖإﻟﻴﻬﺎأﺣﺪ.ﻳﺨﴙاﻟﻨﺎسﰲاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ— ﺣﻴﺚﺗﺴﺒﻖاﻷﴎةواﻷﻗﺮﺑﺎءأياﻋﺘﺒﺎراتأﺧﺮى—أنﺗﻜﻮنﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎﺗﻬﻢاﻷﴎﻳﺔاﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﰲﺧﻄﺮ،وﻻﺷﻚأناﻟﺮواﺑﻂﺑيناﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎتالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔواﻟﺤﺮوباﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﻋﲆ

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ » ﺗﺠﻤﻊﺑيناﻵﺑﺎءﻫﻨﺎوﰲاﻟﺨﺎرج،وﺗﱪﱢراﻟﺪﻋﻮةإﱃاﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ.وﻗﺪﺗﻔﻜﱠﺮتُﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴٍّﺎ ﰲﻛﻞﻫﺬهاﻟﺮواﺑﻂﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔﻣﺎﻧُﴩَِﻣﻦدراﺳﺎتﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔﻛﺜيرةﺗﻨﺎوﻟَﺖْﺟﺎﻧﺒًﺎأوآﺧَﺮﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔﺗﻨﺸﺌﺔاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة.إناﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔاﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ،والمﺸﻜﻼت اﻟﺨﻄيرةاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻮاﺟﻪاﻷﴎةاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ،وإﻋﺎدةﺑﻨﺎءاﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﻋﻤﺪًا،والمﺬﻫﺐ اﻹﻧﺠﻴﲇ،واﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل،واﻟﻌﻘﺎﻗيراﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ،واﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎراتاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ،وﻋﻤﻞاﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎء ﺳﻮاءالمﺒﺎﴍأوﻏيرالمﺒﺎﴍ،ﺳﻮاءﻫﻨﺎأوﰲاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ﻛﻞﻫﺬهاﻟﻌﻨﺎﴏﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺪاﻋﻴﺎتﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ،وﻟﻜﻨﻲﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔﻟﻠﺮﺟﻮعﻗﻠﻴﻼًإﱃاﻟﻮراء،واﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖﻗﺪراﻹﻣﻜﺎنﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﱡراﻷﻣﻮرﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةوأوروﺑﺎﺑﻤﺎأﺣﺪثﺗﺤﻮﻻًﻋﲆﻣﺴﺘﻮىاﻷﴎة. إناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎتذاتاﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻇﺎﻫﺮةﻋﺎلمﻴﺔ،وﻟﻴﺴﺖإﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔﻓﺤﺴﺐ،وﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺴﻠﱢﻢﺟﺪﻻًﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةأناﻷﻃﻔﺎلﻳﻨﺸﺌﻮنوﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮنﻣﺮﺣﻠﺘﻬﻢﰲﻇﻞﱢاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ،وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎتاﻷﴎوالمﺪارسواﻟﱰﻓﻴﻪاﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ،وﻟﻜﻦﻟﻦﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒاﺛﻨﺎنﻋﲆ ﺣﺠﻢاﻟﺘﻐيرﱡاﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞاﻟﺬيﺷﻬﺪهاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢﺑﺴﺒﺐاﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎتاﻹﻟﻜﱰوﻧﻴﺔاﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ،واﻷﻃﻔﺎل ﻳﻄﻮﻟﻬﻢاﻟﺘﺄﺛيرﻣﻬﻤﺎاﺧﺘﻠﻒﺷﻜﻞاﻟﺴﱡﻠﻄﺔ.ﻓﻀﻼًﻋﻦذﻟﻚ،ﻓﻘﺪﺗﻠﻘﱠﻴﻨﺎﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة اﻟﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮاتﻣﻦأناﻟﺪﻣﺞﺑيناﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔواﻷﺳﻮاقاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔﺳﻮفﻳﻔﺖﱡﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻊ المﺪﻧﻲوﻳﻌﺰﱢزاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎتاﻟﻴﻤﻴﻨﻴﺔ،وﻧﺤﻦﻧﻔﺘﻘﺮ—إﻻﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎءاتﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ—إﱃوﺟﻮد ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞﻳﻔﴪﱢاﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔَاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞﻣﻦﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎﻛﻞﱡﻫﺬهالمﺘﻐيرات)المﺘﺒﺎﻳﻨﺔﰲ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎإﱃأﺑﻌﺪﺣﺪ(وﺗﺆﺛﱢﺮﻋﲆاﻷﴎةواﻟﻄﻔﻞ.وﻗﺪﻧﺎﻗﺸﺖُﻋﺎم٥٠٠٢مﻓﻜﺮةَأنﻇﻬﻮر اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔواﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔﻋﲆﺣﺪﱟﺳﻮاء،ﻗﺪﻳﻜﻮنﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄًﺎﺑﻔﻘﺪان اﻵﺑﺎءﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮةﰲﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔﺗﺮﺑﻴﺔاﻷﺑﻨﺎءﻋﻨﺪاﻟﺸﻌﻮرﺑﺘﻌﺮﱡضاﻟﻘِﻴَﻢاﻷﴎﻳﺔﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮﻣﻦ ﻗﻮىﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎﻣﺎﻻﻳﻌﻴﻬﺎﻏيرالمﺜﻘﻔين،وﻟﻜﻦﻳﺸﻌﺮونﺑﺘﺄﺛيرﻫﺎﻣﻊذﻟﻚ.ﻛﻞﻫﺬهاﻟﻨﻮاﺣﻲ ﺗﺤﺘﺎجإﱃﺗﻨﻘﻴﺤﻬﺎواﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺑﻬﺎداﺧﻞﺳﻴﺎقﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻲ. ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻊاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴٍّﺎ ﺗﺮويالمﺆرﱢﺧﺔﻓﻴﻜﺘﻮرﻳﺎديﺟﺮاﺗﺴﻴﺎﰲﻛﺘﺎﺑﻬﺎ المُﺸﻮﱢﻗﺔﺣﻮلﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔﺗﻐﻠﱡﺐرﺟﺎلِاﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴينﻋﲆأوروﺑﺎاﻟﻘﺮناﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ،ﰲ ﴏاﻋﻬﻢﻣﻦأﺟﻞ اﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺘينﻟﻠﻨﴫﻣﻦﺧﻼل 148

اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔالمُﺼﻨﱢﻌَﺔﻋﲆاﻟﺪوﻟﺔﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔاﻷﺳﻮاقالمﻨﺸﻮدة …اﻟﺪولﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔاﻷﺳﻮاقالمﻨﺸﻮدة واﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎتﻣﻦﺧﻼلاﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ،واﻋﺘﱪﻫﻮأنﻫﺬهاﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔاﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔﻫﻲاﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ.وﻫﻜﺬاﻛﺎﻧﺖاﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔواﻟﺬوقﰲﻗﻠﺐﻫﺬهاﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔاﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔﺑﺎلمﺒﻴﻌﺎت،وﻛﺎنﻓﻦ اﻟﺒﻴﻊوﻓﻦإدارةﺷﺌﻮناﻟﺪوﻟﺔﻣﺘﺪاﺧﻠَينْوﻣﱰاﺑﻄَينْﻣﻦوﺟﻬﺔﻧﻈﺮوﻳﻠﺴﻮن،اﻟﺘﻲﺗﺮى ديﺟﺮاﺗﺴﻴﺎأنرﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪاﻟﺘﻲأﻟﻘﺎﻫﺎﻋﺎم٦١٩١مﰲﻣﺆﺗﻤﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖواﺿﺤﺔ: إناﻟﻘﻴﺪاﻷﻛﱪﰲﻫﺬااﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢﻟﻴﺲﻫﻮﻗﻴﺪالمﺒﺎدئ،ﺑﻞﻗﻴﻮداﻟﺘﺬوق…أﻃﻠِﻘﻮا اﻟﻌﻨﺎنﻷﻓﻜﺎرﻛﻢوﺧﻴﺎﻟﻜﻢﻟﺘﺤﻠﱢﻖﺧﺎرﺟًﺎﰲﻛﻞأرﺟﺎءاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ،واﻧﻄﻠِﻘﻮاﻣُﻠﻬَﻤين ﺑﻔﻜﺮةاﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﻜﻢﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة،وأنﻣﻬﻤﺘﻜﻢﻫﻲﻧﴩاﻟﺤﺮﻳﺔواﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ والمﺒﺎدئاﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔأﻳﻨﻤﺎﺣﻠﻠﺘﻢ،واﺳْﻌَﻮْاوﺑﻴﻌﻮااﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊاﻟﺘﻲﺳﺘﻮﻓﱢﺮﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺰﻳﺪًاﻣﻦاﻟﺮاﺣﺔواﻟﺴﻌﺎدة،وﺗﺤﻮﱢﻟﻬﻢﻻﻋﺘﻨﺎقالمﺒﺎدئاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ)٥٠٠٢: ١-٢(. ﻗﺎﻣﺖﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔوﻳﻠﺴﻮنﻋﲆاﻹﻏﻮاء؛إذاﺳﺘﻬﺪفاﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺔَاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢﻣﻦﺧﻼلاﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖِ اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻫيريالمﺪروس،والمﻔﻬﻮمِاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲﻟﻠﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔاﻟﺬيﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻋﲆﻧﴩﻋﺎدات اﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼكاﻟﻮاﺳﻊاﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎر،ﻣﻦﺧﻼلﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪةاﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎتالمُﺘﻠﻔَﺰَةوارﺗﺪاءﻧﻔﺲالمﻼﺑﺲ وﺗﻌﻠﱡﻢﻧﻔﺲ أﻣﺎأﻛﺜﺮاﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖالمﺜيرةﻟﻠﺬﻫﻮلﺑﺼﻔﺔﺧﺎﺻﺔﰲﻛﺘﺎبديﺟﺮاﺗﺴﻴﺎ،ﻓﻬﻲأن وﻳﻠﺴﻮنوﻛﺒﺎرﻣُﺼﻨﱢﻌﻲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةاﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﻮاأوروﺑﺎ،المﻜﺎناﻟﺬياﻧﺤﺪرﻣﻨﻪ أﻏﻠﺒﻬﻢ.وﻫﻲﺗﻮﺿﱢﺢﻛﻴﻒﻃﺒﱠﻘﻮاﺧﻄﺘﻬﻢ؛ﺣﻴﺚﻗﻴﱠﻤﻮااﻷوروﺑﻴينﻋﲆأﺳﺎساﻷذواق اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ،وﻗﺪﱠﻣﻮاﻟﻬﻢاﻷﻓﻼمَاﻟﻬﻮﻟﻴﻮودﻳﺔ،واﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖَاﻟﺠﻤﺎﻫيري،واﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊَاﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ.وﻫﺬهاﻷﺧيرةﻃﺮﺣﻮﻫﺎﻋﻦﻃﺮﻳﻖﻣﺘﺎﺟﺮاﻟﺘﺠﺰﺋﺔاﻟﻜﺒيرةالمﺘﻌﺪدةاﻷﻗﺴﺎم؛ وﻫﻜﺬااﺳﺘﺒﺪلاﻷوروﺑﻴﻮناﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊَﺑﻘِﻴَﻤﻬﻢاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺪﻋﻮﻟﻼدﱢﺧﺎر.إﻻأنﻣﺜﻞﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎتﻟﻘﻴﺖﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ،ﻛﺤﺮﻛﺔاﻟﻮﺟﺒﺎتاﻟﺒﻄﻴﺌﺔاﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔاﻟﻴﻮمﻋﲆﺳﺒﻴﻞالمﺜﺎل،اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﱢمﻧﻤﻮذﺟًﺎﻧﺎﻗﺪًاﻷﺳﻠﻮباﻟﺤﻴﺎةالمﺮﺗﺒﻂﺑﺎﻟﻮﺟﺒﺎتاﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔ،إﱃﺟﺎﻧﺐﻧﻤﺎذجﻧﺎﻗﺪة أﺧﺮىﻟﻠﻘِﻴَﻢاﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔالمﺘﻄﺮﱢﻓﺔﰲﻋﺪدٍﻣﻦاﻟﺒﻠﺪاناﻷﺧﺮى،ﺑﺪءًاﻣﻦﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪا ووﺻﻮﻻًإﱃاﺳﻜﻨﺪﻧﺎﻓﻴﺎ،ﺗﺆﻳﱢﺪاﻟﺰراﻋﺔاﻟﻌﻀﻮﻳﺔوﺗﻨﺎﻫِﺾاﻟﻄﻌﺎمَالمﻌﺪﱠلوراﺛﻴٍّﺎ. 149

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ وﻗﺪوﺻﻒالمﺆرﱢﺧﻮنﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةﻗﺒﻞديﺟﺮاﺗﺴﻴﺎﻛﻴﻒاﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖﻧﻔﺲﺗﻠﻚ المﺼﺎﻟﺢاﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔالمﻮاﻃﻨيناﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴين،ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻴﻨينﺑﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔاﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎﻹﻗﻨﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﺑﺄنﻳﺼيرواﻣﺴﺘﻬﻠِﻜينﺗﺤﺘﻜﺮﻫﻢﺑﻀﺎﺋﻊوﺧﺪﻣﺎتﻧﻤﻄﻴﺔ.وﻳﻮﺛﱢﻖدﻳﻔﻴﺪﻧﻮﺑﻞاﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔَ اﻟﺘﻲﺗَﺤﻘﱠﻖَﺑﻬﺎذﻟﻚاﻟﻬﺪفُ،ﰲﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪاﻟﺬيﺻﺎرﻣﻦاﻟﻜﻼﺳﻴﻜﻴﺎتاﻵن ﻋﻦﻗﺼﺪ والمﺆﺳﺴﺔاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ،ﻟﻬﺎﻳﺪﰲاﻷﻣﺮﺑﻌﺪأنأُﻋِﻴﺪرﺳْﻢُأدوارﻫﺎﻟﺘﺘﻮاﻓﻖﻣﻊ المﺼﺎﻟﺢالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻣﻦﺣﻴﺚﺗﺼﻨﻴﻊاﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊأوﻻً،ﺛﻢﺗﺼﻨﻴﻊأﺳﻠﻮبﺣﻴﺎةﻛﺎﻣﻞ.ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻨﺎوَلَﺳﺘﻴﻮارتإﻳﻮﻳﻦﺻﻌﻮدَأﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐاﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖاﻟﺠﻤﺎﻫيريﰲﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ لمﻌﺎرﺿﺘﻚ اﻟﻜﺘﺐﺗﻌﻄﻲﻓﻜﺮةًﻋﻦﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔﻧﺸﺄةاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔاﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ،وﻛﻴﻒاﺷﺘﻐﻞ ﻣﻤﺜﱢﻠﻮﻫﺎﻋﲆاﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ،وﺻﻨﱠﻌﻮااﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎتواﻟﺮﻏﺒﺎتاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔواﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊاﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ؛إذ ﻛﺎﻧﺖاﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎتوﺧﻄﻂاﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻂواﻻﺋﺘﻤﺎنالمُﻴﴪﱠوﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪاﻷذواقﻋﲆﻣﺴﺘﻮىاﻟﺠﻤﺎﻫير ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎتٍﺧﻠﻘَﺖْروﺣًﺎﺟﺪﻳﺪة.وﻳﺮىاﻟﺒﻌﺾأنﰲﻫﺬااﺳﺘﻤﺮارًالمﺎﻳُﺴﻤﱠﻰ » ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔًﺑﺤﺮﻛﺎتدﻳﻨﻴﺔأﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةوﰲأﻣﺎﻛﻦأﺧﺮى،ﺑﻞﻟﻌﻠﱠﻬﺎ أﺷﻌﻠﺖﺟﺬوﺗﻬﺎ.ﻓﻤﺎاﻟﺬيﻳﺤﺪثﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎﺗﻨﺘﴩﺣﺮﻛﺔﻛﻬﺬهﰲأرﺟﺎءاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ،ﻣﺘﺠﺎوِزةً ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔﻏﺰواﻷﺳﻮاقالمﺤﻠﻴﺔواﻷوروﺑﻴﺔ؟ﺗﺘﻄﻠﱠﺐاﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔﻋﲆأﺳﺌﻠﺔٍﻛﻬﺬهﻋﻤﻞﺗﺤﻠﻴﻼت ﻣﺘﻌﺪﱢدةاﻷوﺟﻪوﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻜﺔﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔﺗﺤﻮﱡلاﻟﻮﻻءالمﺤﲇﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻊاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ—وﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪةﰲﺟﻤﻴﻊأﻧﺤﺎءاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ—إﱃوﻻءٍﻟﻠﻌﻼﻣﺎتاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ.وﻟﻜﻦرﺑﻤﺎﻳﻜﻮنﻣﻦ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔﺑﻤﻜﺎنٍﺗﺨﻴﱡﻞُﺣﺪوثِﻣﺜﻞﻫﺬهاﻟﺘﺤﻮﱡﻻتﰲاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ؛ﺣﻴﺚﺟﺮَتِاﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻋﲆأنﻳﺤﺘﻞاﻟﻮﻻءُالمﺤﲇأواﻟﻮﻻءﻟﻠﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔواﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔﻣﺮﻛﺰَاﻟﺼﺪارةﻣﻦﺣﻴﺚاﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ. رﺑﻤﺎﻧﺒﺪأﰲاﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎبﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞﻫﺬااﻟﺘﺤﻮﱡلإذاﻣﺎﺣﺪﱠدﻧﺎﺑﺪﻗﺔٍﺗﺒﻌﺎﺗﻪﻋﲆاﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة،ﻣَﻨﺸﺄﻫﺬااﻟﻨﻮعﻣﻦاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ،وﻟﻜﻦﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎأوﻻًأنﻧﺒينﱢ ﺑﺈﻳﺠﺎزٍأﻫﻢﱠﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎﺣﺮﻛﺔًﻧﺸﺄتﰲأﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎاﻟﻘﺮناﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﴩﻣﻊﻇﻬﻮراﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔاﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔوﻇﺎﻫﺮةاﻟﻌﻤﻞﺑﺎﻷﺟﺮاﻟﺘﻲﺻﺎﺣﺒﺘﻬﺎ.ﺧﻀﻊاﻟﺪور المﻬﻢاﻟﺬيﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﰲﺗﻨﺸﺌﺔاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﻟﻠﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞﻣﻨﺬﻓﱰةﻣﺒﻜﺮةﰲﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﻻشالمﺜير)٧٧٩١؛٨٧٩١(ﺣﻮلﺗﺤﻮﱡلاﻷﴎةﰲﻇﻞاﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔاﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔ 150