الثقافة والكرامة

اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻪﺑﻮﻻﻧﻲ)٤٤٩١(وﺑﻌﺪهﺟﻮنﺟﺮايﰲﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔاﻟﺬاتاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺤﺪﱠثَﻋﻨﻬﺎﺟﻮنﺟﺎﻟﻔينﻫﻲﻣﺎﻳﺒﺤﺚﻋﻨﻪﻃﻼباﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎتداﺧﻞ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢواﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ،ﻣﻦﺧﻼلدراﺳﺘﻬﻢﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔَاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻲاﻟﻄﺒﻲﻟﻠﻤﺨﺪراتﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت المﺘﺤﺪة،وﺗﺼﻞﺑﻬﻢدراﺳﺘُﻬﻢﺗﻠﻚإﱃأناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﺗﺸﺒﻪاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔﰲاﻟﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔﺑﺼﻼﺣﻬﺎاﻟﺬاﺗﻲ،وﻣﺎﺗﻈﻬﺮهﻛﻠﺘﺎاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺘينﻣﻦﺣﻤﺎسٍدﻋﻮيﱟ. ﻋﻼوةًﻋﲆذﻟﻚﻓﺈناﻟﴩﻛﺎتﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞاﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﻗﺪﱠﻣﻬﺎﻛﻴﺎنٌرﻓﻴﻊالمﺴﺘﻮىﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﻛﺎرﻧﻴﺠﻲالمﻌﻨﻲﱢﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎلﰲﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮه وﻃﺄةاﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﺑﺎلمﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ،ﺣﺘﻰإنﻟﻢﻳﱰﺗﺐﻋﲆﻫﺬهالمﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖُأرﺑﺎحٍﺟﺪﻳﺪةأو زﻳﺎدةﻣﻌﺪلاﻟﻨﻤﻮالمﺆﺳﴘ ٠٧(.وﻟﻜﻦإذاﻣﺎﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎإﱃاﻟﻜﺎرﺛﺔاﻟﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺴﺒﱠﺒﺖﻓﻴﻬﺎاﻟﴩﻛﺔُاﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔﻟﻠﻨﻔﻂﰲ اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎﻣﺆﴍﱢًاﻋﲆواﻗﻊاﻟﺤﺎل،ﻓﻠﻦﻧﺠﺪﺑﺎدرةًواﺣﺪةًﻋﲆﺣﺪوثأيﺻﺤﻮة ﰲاﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎتالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ،ﺳﻮاءﰲﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎﻣﻊاﻷﻃﻔﺎلأمﻣﻊاﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ،ﻋﲆاﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦأن ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎﻣﺜﻞﻫﺬهاﻟﻜﻮارثﻗﺪﻳﺘﻴﻘﱠﻈﻮنإﱃدﻻﻻتﻏﻴﺎباﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﻜﱪى. ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎﺗﻠﺘﻘﻲاﻷرﺑﺎحالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔواﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ:ﻗﻄﺎعاﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎراتاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻞﱠاﻟﻨﻴﺔاﻷوﻟﻴﱠﺔﻷﺻﺤﺎبﻣﺒﺎدرةإﻗﺎﻣﺔﻗﻄﺎعاﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎراتاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة ﻛﺎﻧﺖﺿﻤﺎناﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔﰲاﻻﻟﺘﺤﺎقﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت،وﻋﺪماﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎدﰲذﻟﻚﻋﲆاﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤُﺘﻘﺪﱢمأواﻣﺘﻴﺎزاﺗﻪأوﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻪاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ،إﻻأناﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞﺟﺎءتﻋﲆاﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾﺗﻤﺎﻣًﺎ،وﻫﺬا ﻣﻮﺛﱠﻖﰲﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮٍرﻳﺎديﻋﺎم٠٨٩١مﺑﻘﻠﻢأﻻنﻧيرن)ﺻﺤﻔﻲﻳﺸﺘﻬﺮاﻟﻴﻮمَﺑﺤﺎدثٍﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺘﻴﻤﻮراﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ،وﻟﻜﻨﻪﻛﺎنﰲﻋﺎﻣﻪاﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔﺑﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮنوﻗﺖَﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔاﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ(. وﺻﻒﻧيرنﰲﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮهاﺧﺘﺒﺎرَاﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢالمﻌﻴﺎريﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرهﻣﻘﻴﺎﺳًﺎﺿﻌﻴﻔًﺎﻟﻺﺑﺪاعوأرﺟﺤﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﺠﺎحاﻷﻛﺎدﻳﻤﻲواﻷداءﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة،ﻓﻀﻼًﻋﻦالمﺘﻘﺪﻣينﻟﻼﻟﺘﺤﺎقﻣﻦاﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ.وﻗﺪأُﻋِﺪﱠﻣﻨﺬذﻟﻚاﻟﺤينﻋﺪدٌﻣﻦاﻟﺪراﺳﺎتاﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔاﻟﺘﻲارﺗﻘﺖﰲﻣﺴﺘﻮاﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺮوراﻟﻮﻗﺖ،وﺗﻨﺎوﻟَﺖْإﻋﺪادَاﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎراتﻟﻠﻄﻼباﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴين،وﻗﺎمﻋﲆإﺟﺮاءﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎءأﻧﺜﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﻮن.وﻣﻊﺑﺪءﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻗﺎﻧﻮن 167

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲﺑﻮش،ﺻﺎراﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺘﺰاﻳﺪﻣﻦﺟﺎﻧﺐاﻵﺑﺎءواﻷﻃﻔﺎلأﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ؛وﻛﻤﺎأﺧﱪﻧﻲﻣﺆﺧﺮًا ﻋﺎﻟﻢاﻷﻧﺜﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎاﻟﱰﺑﻮي،ﺑﻴﻨﻲأوﻳﻦ،واﺻﻔًﺎاﻟﻮﺿﻊ،ﻓﺈن: إﺧﻀﺎعأﻃﻔﺎلﺻﻐﺎرﻻﻳﺰاﻟﻮنﰲاﻟﺼﻒاﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚاﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻲﻟﻼﺧﺘﺒﺎر،ﻻﻳﺆدﱢي إﱃاﻟﺤﺼﻮلﻋﲆﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞدﻗﻴﻘﺔ؛ﻓﻘﺪرأﻳﺖﺗﻼﻣﻴﺬَﻳﻨﻬﺎرونﺑﺎﻛينوﻏيرﻗﺎدرﻳﻦ ﻋﲆاﻷداءﻋﻨﺪإﺧﻀﺎﻋﻬﻢلمﺰﻳﺪٍﻣﻦاﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات.ﻟﻜﻦاﻷﻣﺮاﻷﻫﻢﻣﻦدرﺟﺔ ﺗﻮﺗﱡﺮاﻟﻄﻔﻞوﻗﻠﻘﻪﻫﻮإدراﻛﻪأنﻋﻘﻠﻪﻳﺘﻄﻮﱠرﰲأوﻗﺎتﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒﻋﻦاﻷﻃﻔﺎل اﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ،وﻫﻮﻣﺎﻻﻳﺪرﻛﻪاﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﻮنﻣﻬﻤﺎﻛﺜﺮتاﻷﺑﺤﺎثاﻟﺘﻲﺗُﺠﺮَىﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻣﺦاﻹﻧﺴﺎن.وﻳﺴﻤﱢﻲالمﻌﻠﻤﻮنﻫﺬهاﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔَﺑﻠﺤﻈﺔ اﻷﻣﻮرالمﺴﺘﻐﻠﻘﺔ،وﻳﺪركاﻟﺘﻠﻤﻴﺬﻓﺠﺄةًالمﺮادَﻣﻦاﻷﻓﻜﺎرالمﺠﺮدةالمﻌﺮوﺿﺔ أﻣﺎﻣﻪ؛وﻟﻬﺬاﻓﺈنﺗﻮﻗﱡﻊﺗﺴﺎويﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎتاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﰲﻛﻞﱢاﻷوﻗﺎتﻳﺰﻋﺰع اﻷﻃﻔﺎلَوﻣﺪارﺳﻬﻢ،واﻟﺒﻼدﻋﲆالمﺪىاﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ)ﺗﻮاﺻُﻞﺷﺨﴢ،٩٠٠٢(. ﺟﺪﻳﺮﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮأنﻣﻴﺰاﻧﻴﺔﻗﻄﺎعاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةﺗﺘﺠﺎوزﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ٠٠٣ﻣﻠﻴﺎردوﻻرأﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ،وﺗُﻌَﺪﱡﻣﺒﺎدرةُإﻋﺪاداﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎراتﺗﻌﺪﱢﻳًﺎﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴٍّﺎ،اﻟﻬﺪفُﻣﻨﻪ ﰲاﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔاﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةُﻋﲆاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ.وﻳﺸيرﻋﻠﻤﺎءاﻟﻨﻔﺲاﻟﺬﻳﻦﻳﺠﺮوناﻷﺑﺤﺎثَ ﻋﲆﻣﻮﺿﻮعاﻷﻧﻮاعالمﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔﻣﻦاﻟﺬﻛﺎءإﱃأناﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎراتﻻﺗﻔﻴﺪإﻻﰲﻗﻴﺎساﻟﺬﻛﺎء اﻟﻠﻐﻮيواﻟﺬﻛﺎءاﻟﺤﺴﺎﺑﻲ،ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎﺗﻬﻤﻞاﻷﻧﻮاعَاﻷﺧﺮىﻣﻦاﻟﺬﻛﺎء.وﻛﻠﻤﺎزاداﻟﻀﻐﻂﻋﲆ المﺪارسﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢاﻟﻄﻼبﻣﻦأﺟﻞاﺟﺘﻴﺎزاﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎر،ﺗﻌﺮﱠﺿَﺖْﺗﻠﻚاﻷﻧﻮاعاﻷﺧﺮىﻣﻦاﻟﺬﻛﺎء ﻟﻠﺘﻬﻤﻴﺶﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦأﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮاﻟﺘﻔﻜيراﻟﻨﻘﺪي،ﻓﻴﺼيراﻟﺘﻌﻠﱡﻢاﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪيالمﻌﺘﺎد ﻫﻮاﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪة،واﻟﺘﻔﻜيرالمﻌﻴﺎرياﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ؛وﻫﻮﻣﺎﻳﺆدﱢيﻛﺬﻟﻚإﱃﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔﺟﺬبالمﻌﻠﻤين المﺒﺪﻋينوﺟﻤﻌﻬﻢ؛ﺣﻴﺚإنالمﻨﺎﻫﺞَاﻟﺘﻲﻳﺤﻈﺮﻋﲆالمﻌﻠﻤينﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ،واﻟﺘﺴﻠﱡﻂَاﻹداري اﻟﺬيﻳﻬﺪفإﱃرﻓﻊﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎتاﻟﺪرﺟﺎتﰲاﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات،ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎﻣﺎﻳﻨﺘﻬﻴﺎنإﱃﺗﻨﻔيرأﻓﻀﻞ المﻌﻠﻤين.وﻳﻠﺠﺄاﻟﻄﻼبﰲﻧﻔﺲاﻟﻮﻗﺖإﱃالمﻌﻠﻤيناﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﻴين،واﻻﻟﺘﺤﺎقﺑﺎﻟﱪاﻣﺞ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻛﻤﺮاﻛﺰﺳﻴﻠﻔﺎناﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻣﻨﻬﺎﻗﻠﺔٌﻣﺨﺘﺎرةﻋﲆﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲاﻷوﺳﻊاﻧﺘﺸﺎرًا. وﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎﺗﺼيرالمﺪرﺳﺔﻣﻤﻠﱠﺔًوﻣﺠﺮدَﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔﺗﻜﺮار،ﻳﺘﻤﻠﻤﻞاﻟﻄﻼبوﻳﺘﺸﺘﱠﺖاﻧﺘﺒﺎﻫﻬﻢ. ﻟﺬاﻻﻋﺠﺐأنﻳﺼيرأﺣﺪأﺳﺒﺎبﻗﻠﻖاﻟﺨﱪاءاﻟﱰﺑﻮﻳيناﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴينﻫﻮﻋﺠﺰاﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻦاﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ،اﻟﺬيﻗﺪﻳﻜﻮنﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔًﻟﻠﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة.وﻳﺒﺪوأنﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒاﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰﻫﻮ 168

اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻜﻮنُﰲوﺿﻊٍﻣﻌينٍ،واﻟﻘﺪرةُﻋﲆاﻟﺠﻠﻮسواﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎهﻓﻘﻂإﱃﻣﻌﻠﱢﻤﺔٍﻗﺪﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎإﱃاﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰ.إﻻأناﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰﻳﺼﺒﺢﻣﻬﻤﱠﺔًﺻﻌﺒﺔﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ،إذاﻣﺎﻛﺎناﻟﻴﻮماﻟﺪراﳼ ﻣﻘﺴﱠﻤًﺎإﱃﻓﱰاتﺗﺄدﻳﺒﻴﺔﻳُﻨﺘﻈَﺮﻣﻦاﻟﻄﻼبأنﻳﺠﻠﺴﻮاﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎﺑﺴﻜﻮنﻣﻊاﻹﻧﺼﺎت ﺑﺪﻻًﻣﻦالمﺸﺎرﻛﺔاﻟﻔﻌﱠﺎﻟﺔ.وإذاﻣﺎﺷُﺨﱢﺼَﺖﺣﺎﻟﺔُأيﻃﺎﻟﺐﻏيرﻗﺎدرﻋﲆاﻟﺠﻠﻮس ﺳﺎﻛﻨًﺎﺑﺎﺿﻄﺮابِﻓﺮطاﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔوﺗﺸﺘﱡﺖاﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎه،ﻓﺴﻮفﻳُﻔﺮَضﻋﻠﻴﻪﺗﻨﺎوُلُاﻟﻌﻘﺎﻗير، وإنْﺗﻤﻜﱠﻦَﻣﻦاﻟﺠﻠﻮس وﺑﻬﺬاﺻﺎراﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎرُالمﺘﺎحأﻣﺎﻣﻬﻢأنﻳﺼيرواإﻣﺎﻏﺮﺑﺎءاﻷﻃﻮار،وإﻣﺎﻧُﺴَﺨًﺎﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻣﻦﺑﻌﺾ،وﻫﺬاﰲﺣﺪذاﺗﻪﻳﺒﻌﺚﻋﲆاﻟﺮﻋﺐ)روﺑﺮﺗﺲ،٦٠٠٢(.ﻓﻀﻼًﻋﻦذﻟﻚ، ﺗُﺼﺪﱢرﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎتُاﻟﺪﻋﻢاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﻧﻈﺎﻣَﻨﺎاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲﺑﻜﺜﺎﻓﺔوﺣﻤﺎسإﱃاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ! إناﻟﺘﺤﻮﱡلاﻟﺠﺬريﰲﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎتاﻟﺘﻔﻜيراﻟﺬيﻳﺼﺎﺣﺐﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮَاﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻂاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة—ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﺳﺒﺎتآﻟﻴﺔوﻫﻮاﺗﻒﻣﺤﻤﻮﻟﺔوأﺟﻬﺰةآﻳﺒﻮد—ﻳُﻌَﺪﱡﺗﺤﻮﱡﻻًﻣُﺬﻫِﻼً،ﺣﺘﻰﻣﻦدونأﺧﺬ اﻟﻔﺮوقاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔﰲاﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر؛وﻣﻦﺛﻢﻓﺈنﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮأﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎتاﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔدون ﻣﺮاﻋﺎةاﻟﺒﻴﺌﺎتاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔﻳُﻌَﺪﱡﻓﺸﻼًﻣﻊﺳﺒﻖاﻹﴏار. اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎت:اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔودﻳﻨﻴﺔوﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻳﻀﻢﱡاﻟﻔﺼﻞُاﻷﺧيرﻣﻦﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﻛﺎرﻧﻴﺠﻲالمﻌﻨﻲﱢﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل)ﻛﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻮنوﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎرﻧﻴﺠﻲالمﻌﻨﻲﺑﺎﻷﻃﻔﺎل،٧٧٩١(ﺗﴫﻳﺤًﺎﻣﻤﻴﱠﺰًا،وﻳﻨﺒﻊﺗﻤﻴﱡﺰهﻫﺬاﻣﻦأناﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻨﺎوﻟَﺖِاﻷﴎةَاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ،ﻗﺪﺻﻴﻐﺖﻣﻦوﺟﻬﺔﻧﻈﺮﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔﻟﻢﺗُﻠْﻖِ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮمإﻻﻋﲆاﻟﻮاﻟﺪَﻳْﻦﻓﻴﻤﺎﻳﺘﻌﻠﱠﻖﺑﺎلمﺸﻜﻼتاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻮاﺟﻬﻬﺎاﻷﴎة،ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎﺻﻴﻐﺖﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔُﺑﻤﺎﻳﺘﻌﻠﱠﻖﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔوالمﺠﺘﻤﻊ: ﻗﺪﻧﺸﺘﺎقﻟﺘﻠﻚاﻟﺼﻮرةاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻮردﻫﺎﻛﺘﺐاﻟﺤﻜﺎﻳﺎتﻋﻦاﻷﴎالمﻄﻤﺌﻨﱠﺔاﻟﺒﺎل اﻟﻬﺎدﺋﺔاﻟﺨﺎﻃﺮالمﺘﺤﻜﱢﻤﺔﰲﻣﺼيرﻫﺎ،وﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎﻧﺤﻴﺎاﻵنﰲﻇﻞواﻗﻊٍﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻤﺎمَاﻻﺧﺘﻼفﻋﻦﻫﺬهاﻟﺼﻮرة.وﻗﺪﺣﺎناﻟﻮﻗﺖﻟﻴﺘﻌﺎﻣَﻞَاﻵﺑﺎءوالمﻮاﻃﻨﻮن وﻗﻄﺎعُاﻷﻋﻤﺎلاﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔوالمﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮناﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻮنﻣﻊاﻷﺷﻜﺎلاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪةاﻟﻜﺜيرة اﻟﺘﻲﺗﻈﻬﺮﻟﻸﴎةاﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ،وأنﻧﻌﺪﱢلَأﻓﻜﺎرَﻧﺎوﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗِﻨﺎﻟﺘﺘﻤﺎﳽﻣﻊاﻟﻮاﻗﻊ؛ إذإنﺷﻌﻮراﻵﺑﺎءﺑﺎﻟﻌﺠﺰﻻﻳﺮﺟﻊإﱃﺣﺎﺟﺘﻬﻢالمﺎﺳﺔﻟﻠﺘﻘﻮﻳﻢأواﻟﻌﻼجأو اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ،وإﻧﻤﺎإﱃأﻧﻬﻢﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞﻋﺎﺟﺰونﻧﺴﺒﻴٍّﺎﰲﻇﻞﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊاﻟﻴﻮم.وﻻﺗﻘﺘﴫ 169

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎتﺗﻐﻴيرﻫﺬااﻟﻮﺿﻊﻋﲆاﻟﺘﻐﻴيراﻟﻔﺮديأواﻟﻌﻼجاﻷُﴎيأوﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ اﻷﻃﻔﺎل،وﻟﻜﻦﻳﺘﻄﻠﱠﺐﻛﺬﻟﻚﺣﺪوثﺗﻐﻴيراﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲواﻗﺘﺼﺎديوﺳﻴﺎﳼ؛ واﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﻣﻦﻣﺸﻜﻼتاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﻫﻲﻣﺸﻜﻼتاﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔﻛﺬﻟﻚ،وﻻﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲأن ﻳﻘﺘﴫاﻟﺘﻐﻴيرُﻋﲆاﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐاﻟﺸﺨﴢﻓﻘﻂ،ﺑﻞﻳﺠﺐأنﻳﻜﻮنﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴٍّﺎأﻳﻀًﺎ )٧٧٩١:٣١٢-٤١٢(. ﺗﻼذﻟﻚرﺳْﻢُإﻃﺎر و »» ﻟﻸﴎةﰲﺣﻴﺎةاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴ ﻟﻴﺲﺑﻌﺪُ. وﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞﺷﻬﺪَتاﻟﺴﻨﻮاتاﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔﻹﺻﺪارﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻣﺠﻠﺲﻛﺎرﻧﻴﺠﻲﻓﻮرةًﻣﻦاﻟﻨﺸﺎط ﰲاﻟﻮﺳﻄَينْاﻟﻌﺎمﱢواﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲﻋﲆﺣﺪﱟﺳﻮاء،ﺣﻮلاﻷﴎةاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻘﻊﺗﺤﺖوﻃﺄة اﻟﻀﻐﻂ،وﻟﻜﻦأﻏﻠﺒﻪﻛﺎنﻏيرﻣﻨﺴﱠﻖ؛وﺗﺸﻜﱠﻠَﺖْﺟﻤﻌﻴﺎتﻋُﻨﻴﺖﺑﺎلمﺼﺎﻟﺢاﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ،ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ وأُﻃﻠِﻘَﺖﺣﻤﻠﺔٌﺗﻮﴆﺑﻔﺮضﺣﻈﺮٍﻋﺎلمﻲﱟﻋﲆﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖالمﺄﻛﻮﻻتاﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎلﻣﻦﺳﻦ ٢١ﻋﺎﻣًﺎﻓﺄﺻﻐﺮ.ﻛﺬﻟﻚﺿﻐﻄَﺖْﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔُ ﻣﻦاﻹﺟﺮاءاتأُﻃﻠِﻖَﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔالمﺪﻣﱢﺮةﻋﲆاﻷﻃﻔﺎل.واﺷﺘﻤﻞ ﻣﻘﱰَﺣﺔ،ﻋُﺮِضﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞأﻣﺎماﻟﻜﻮﻧﺠﺮساﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ؛وﻣﻨﻬﺎ:ﻗﺎﻧﻮن وﺷﺄﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎل أوﺟﻪاﻹﴐارﺑﺎﻟﻄﻔﻞ اﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﻣﻦﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎتالمﻮاﻃﻨينﻟﻨﴫةﻫﺬهاﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎوﻏيرﻫﺎ؛ﻛﻘﻀﻴﺔﺳﻴﻄﺮةاﻟﴩﻛﺎت ﻋﲆاﻟﻮﺟﺒﺎتالمﺪرﺳﻴﺔ،اﻟﺘﻲﺻﺎرﻗﻄﺎعُالمﺄﻛﻮﻻتاﻟﴪﻳﻌﺔﻳﺴﺘﺤﻮذﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎﺑﺪرﺟﺔﻛﺒيرة ﺣﺎﻟﻴٍّﺎ،وﻇﻬﺮتردﱠةاﻟﻔﻌﻞﻋﲆذﻟﻚﰲازدﻫﺎرﺣﺪاﺋﻖأﻋﺪادٍﻣﺘﺰاﻳﺪةﻣﻦالمﺪارس.وﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﻮﱠﻋَﺖِالمﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﻃُﺮِﺣَﺖﺑينأﻣﻦالمﺪارسواﻟﺘﺒﻎواﻟﻜﺤﻮﻟﻴﺎتوالمﺨﺪراتاﻟﺮاﺋﺠﺔ ﰲاﻟﺸﻮارع،ﻋﻼوةًﻋﲆاﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮنواﻷﻟﻌﺎباﻹﻟﻜﱰوﻧﻴﺔﻣﻦدونﺷﻚ؛وﺗﺸﻬﺪاﻟﻔﱰة اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔﻃﺮْحَالمﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎتالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔاﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔﺿﻤﻦداﺋﺮةاﻟﻨﻘﺎش؛ﺣﻴﺚﺗﺒﻴﻊ 170

اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎتُاﻟﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔﻗﻮاﺋﻢَﺑﺄﺳﻤﺎءوﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎتاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﻣﻦﺳﻦﻋﺎﻣين.وﻗﺪﻋﺮض اﺛﻨﺎنﻣﻦأﻋﻀﺎءﻣﺠﻠﺲاﻟﺸﻴﻮخاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ—ﻫﻤﺎرونواﻳﺪنﻣﻦوﻻﻳﺔأورﻳﺠﻮن،وﺗﻴﺪ ﺳﺘﻴﻔﻨﺰﻣﻦوﻻﻳﺔأﻻﺳﻜﺎ—ﻣﴩوعَﻗﺎﻧﻮنٍﻟﻮﻗﻒﻣﺜﻞﻫﺬهالمﻤﺎرﺳﺎت،وﻳﺸﻤﻞﻣﻨْﻊَ اﻟﴩﻛﺎتﻣﻦﺑﻴﻊاﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎتاﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔﻟﻸﻃﻔﺎلدوناﻟﺴﺎدﺳﺔﻋﴩةﻷﻏﺮاضاﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ اﻟﺘﺠﺎريدونﻣﻮاﻓَﻘﺔاﻟﻮاﻟﺪﻳﻦ.وﻗﺪﺳُﻦﱠﻗﺎﻧﻮنٌﻣﺸﺎﺑِﻪٌﻟﻬﺬاﻋﺎم٠١٠٢مﺑﺸﺄنﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎتﻣﻊﺟﻬﺎتاﻟﺘﺠﻨﻴﺪاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي.وﺟﺪﻳﺮﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮوﺟﻮدﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔﻟﻬﺬااﻟﺘﴩﻳﻊ؛إذ اﻋﺘَﱪَﺣﻤﻮراﺑﻲﰲﴍﻳﻌﺘﻪاﻟﺘﻲﺳﻨﱠﻬﺎﻋﺎم٠٥٧١ﻗﺒﻞالمﻴﻼدأناﻟﺒﻴﻊﻟﻠﻘُﴫﱠﺟﺮﻳﻤﺔٌ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺘُﻬﺎاﻹﻋﺪامُ. وﻻﺷﻚأنﻓﺮْضَاﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔﻋﲆاﻟﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔﻣﺎﻫﻮإﻻﻋَﺮَضٌﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮةٍأﻛﱪ أﴍَْﻧﺎإﻟﻴﻬﺎﺳﺎﺑﻘًﺎ؛أﻻوﻫﻲ:ﺳﻴﻄﺮةاﻟﴩﻛﺎتﻋﲆاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةﻛَﻜُﻞﱟ.وﻗﺪوﺻﻒ زﻣﻴﲇﺑﻮلﺑﻮﻫﺎﻧﺎناﻟﻮﺿْﻊَﰲﺣﻮارﺷﺨﴢﻗﺎﺋﻼً إﻟﻴﻬﺎﻋﲆﻣﺮﱢاﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرﻫﺎﻋﻮاﺋﻖَأﻣﺎماﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖ،وإﻣﺎﻳﺠﺮياﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼءﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎأو اﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﺎأوﺗﺴﻠﻴﻌﻬﺎﻣﺒﺎﴍَةًﰲﺧﺪﻣﺔاﻷرﺑﺎحالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔٍﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺔوﻟﻮﻣﻦﺑﻌﻴﺪﻣﻊاﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔاﻟﺮاﻫﻨﺔﻣﻦاﻟﺘﺪﺧﱡﻞالمﺆﺳﱠﴘﻏيرالمﻘﻴﱠﺪ ﰲﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎتٍﻛﺎﻧﺖﻓﻴﻤﺎﺳﺒﻖﺗُﻌَﺪﱡﻏيرَﺗﺠﺎرﻳﺔ.وﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎﴏﻧﺎﺗﺪرﻳﺠﻴٍّﺎوﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻮﱡدﻧﺘﻘﺒﱠﻞ ﰲاﻟﻌﻤﻮمﻣﺎﻛﺎنﰲالمﺎﴈﴐﺑًﺎﻣﻦاﻟﺨﻴﺎل؛ﻣﺜﻞﺳﻤﺎحالمﺪارساﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔﺑﺪﺧﻮل المﺤﻄﱠﺎتاﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔإﱃاﻟﻔﺼﻮل،ﺑﻤﺎﺗﻄﻔﺢﺑﻪﻣﻦإﻋﻼﻧﺎتﻋﻦﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ المﻨﺘﺠﺎت،ﺑﺤﺠﱠﺔأنالمﺪارسﻟﻢﺗَﻜُﻦﻟِﺘُﻄﻴﻖﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔأﺟﻬﺰةاﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﺰﻳﻮنالمﺘﱪﱠعﺑﻬﺎ.وﺳﺒﻖ أنأﺷﺎرﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻮﻓﺮﻻشإﱃاﻹﺧﻔﺎقالمُﺰريﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎءاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎعوالمﺆرﺧينﰲﺗﻨﻈيرﺗﺄﺛير اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎتاﻷﻋﺮضﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔﻋﲆاﻷﴎة،وﻟﻜﻦﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎﻣﺎﺗﻜﻮنالمﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎتُاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻘﱰب ﻣﻦﻣﺼﺎدراﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎتٍﻣﺤﻈﻮراﻟﺘﻌﺮﱡضﻟﻬﺎ.وﻛﻤﺎﻗﻠﺖُﰲﺧﻄﺎﺑﻲاﻟﺬيﺣﻤﻞ ﻋﻨﻮان المﺘﻄﻮﱢرةاﻟﺮاﺋﺪةﺣﻮلاﻷﻃﻔﺎلاﻟﻜﺸﻒُﻋﻦﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖﺷﺎﺋﻘﺔﺣﻮلﺗﻄﻮﱡرﺗﻮزﱡعالمﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺑينﺟﻤﻴﻊاﻷﺷﺨﺎصالمﺸﺎرﻛينﰲﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔأﻃﻔﺎﻟﻨﺎوإﻟﺒﺎﺳﻬﻢوإﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﻢواﻟﺘﺄﺛيرﻋﲆ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔﺗﻔﻜيرﻫﻢوﺗﴫﱡﻓﻬﻢ؛وﻗﺪﺗﺘﻄﻠﱠﺐﺗﺮﺑﻴﺔُﻃﻔﻞواﺣﺪﺗﻌﺎوُنَﻗﺮﻳﺔٍﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ)ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻮن، ٦٩٩١(،وﻟﻴﺴﺖاﻟﴩﻛﺔﺑﻘﺮﻳﺔ،ﺑﻞﻟﻘﺪﺻﺎرتاﻟﻘﺮىﻧﺎدرةً،ﻋﲆاﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦأﻧﻬﺎﻟﻢﺗﺰَل ﻣﻮﺟﻮدةًوﺑﻜﺜﺮةﰲاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ. 171

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ ﻋﻮدةإﱃاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ:اﻻﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎتالمﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻳﻔﱰضﺑﻌﺾاﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬةاﻷﻛﺎدﻳﻤﻴينالمﺘﺨﺼﺼينﰲﻣﺠﺎلاﻷﻋﻤﺎل—ﻛﻤﺎذﻛﺮتﺳﺎﺑﻘًﺎ —وﺟﻮدَﺗﻘﺎرُبﺑينﻧﻮﻋينﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔينﻣﻦاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎتاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ؛أﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎدﻳﻨﻲ)اﻟﻴﻤين المﺴﻴﺤﻲاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ(،واﻵﺧَﺮﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ)أﻧﺼﺎراﻟﺴﻮقاﻟﺤﺮةاﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة(.وﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﴫفاﻟﻨﻈﺮﻋﻦﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔاﻟﺴﻤﺎتالمﺸﱰﻛﺔﺑيناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺘين)اﻟﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔﺑﺼﻼحاﻟﺬات، اﻟﻴﻘينﺑﺎﻣﺘﻼكاﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ،ﻋﺪمﺗﻘﺒﱡﻞاﻻﺧﺘﻼف،اﻟﺤﻤﺎساﻟﺪﻋﻮي،اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺎتالمُﺮﺗﺎﺑَﺔ(،ﻳﺒﺪو أناﻟﺘﺪاﻋﻴﺎتﺗﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎﻛﺬﻟﻚﻣﻜﻤﱢﻼًﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎﺑﻌﻀًﺎ،ﻓﺘﺪﻣﱢﺮاﻟﻨﺰﻋﺔُاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﺤﺔاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔواﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔاﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮارَاﻷﴎيواﻟﺴﻤﺎتاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻨﻘﻞاﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔَ ﺑيناﻷﺟﻴﺎل؛وﻫﺬاﻣﺎﻳﺪﻓﻊاﻵﺑﺎءاﻟﺬﻳﻦﻳﺸﻌﺮونﺑﺎﻟﻌﺠﺰإﱃاﻟﻠﺠﻮءإﱃاﻟﺨﻄﺎﺑﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮلﻋﲆاﻟﻘﻮةواﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎبأﺗﺒﺎعٍﺟﺪدٍ،وﻫﻮﻣﺎﻳﻤﻜﻦﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺗﻪﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة ﰲاﻟﺘﻔﺎفالمﺤﺎﻓﻈيناﻹﻧﺠﻴﻠﻴينﺣﻮل اﻹﺷﺎرةإﻟﻴﻬﺎﻣﺒﻬَﻤﺔً،وﻟﻜﻦرداﻟﻔﻌﻞﻧﻔﺴﻪاﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞﻋﻦاﻟﺸﻌﻮرﺑﺎﻟﻌﺠﺰﻳﺤﺪثﰲاﻟﺨﺎرج ﻛﺬﻟﻚ.ﻓﻌﻮلمﺔالمﺼﺎﻟﺢاﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔ،ﻣﺼﺤﻮﺑﺔًﺑﺸﻦﱢاﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎتاﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ،ﺗﻐﺬﱢياﻟﺘﺤﻮﱡلإﱃ اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎتﺣﻮلاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ،واﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂﻟﻴﺲإﻻﻣﺜﺎﻻًواﺣﺪًاﻋﲆذﻟﻚ)اﻧﻈﺮﻣﻮﻧﻮز، ٠٠٠٢(. وﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎﻳﻤﺰﱢقرﺟﺎلُاﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻖالمﺆﺳﱠﺴﻴﻮنالمﺘﻌﺪدواﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎتﻗﻮامَالمﺠﺘﻤﻊاﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي ﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة،ﻓﺈﻧﻬﻢﻳﻤﺰﱢﻗﻮنﻛﺬﻟﻚاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺎتاﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔﰲﻏيرﻫﺎﻣﻦاﻟﺒﻠﺪان؛ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺰاﻳﺪﺗﻌﺮﱡضُاﻟﺸﺒﺎبﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻟﴩقأوﺳﻄﻴﺔﻟﻠﻌﺮاﻗﻴﻞواﻟﻬﺰﱠاتواﻟﺼﺪﻣﺎتاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﺤﻖﺑﻪﰲاﻷﺳﺎسﻣﻦﺟﺮﱠاءاﻟﺘﻐيرﱡاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎديوﻧﺪرةﻓﺮصاﻟﻌﻤﻞ،أواﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔﺑﺎﻻﺣﺘﻼلاﻹﴎاﺋﻴﲇ،أواﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎتاﻟﺤﺎدةاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔاﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪادﻳﺔالمﺪﻋﻮﻣﺔﻣﻦاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة،أواﻟﺤﺮباﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﻣﺜﻞاﻟﺤﺮب اﻟﺪاﺋﺮةﰲاﻟﻌﺮاق.وﺗﻮﺛﱢﻖﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﺪوﻟﻔﻮ)٧٠٠٢(ﻣﺎﺗُﻄﻠِﻖﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻬﺠﺮةاﻟﴪﻳﺔإﱃأوروﺑﺎواﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔاﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔﻟﻸزﻣﺎتاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﰲﺳﻴﺎقﺗﻐيرﱡاﻷدواراﻷﴎﻳﺔ،ﺑﻞإناﻷﻓﻜﺎرالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔﺑﺎﻟﻔﺌﺎتاﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳﺔاﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔأﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻮاﺟِﻪﻣﻌﺎرَﺿﺔً؛ﻓﺘﺘﺴﺎءلﺛﺮﻳﺎاﻟﱰﻛﻲ)٢٠٠٢(ﻋﻤﱠﺎإذاﻛﺎﻧﺖﻓﺌﺔ أمﻣﺴﺘﻮردةﻣﻦاﻟﺨﺎرج،وذﻟﻚﰲدراﺳﺘﻬﺎﻫﻲوﻋﻠﻤﺎءﻣﺤﻠﻴينآﺧَﺮﻳﻦﻟﻠﻔﺠﻮاتاﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺴﻊﺑيناﻟﺸﺒﺎبوآﺑﺎﺋﻬﻢﺑﺨﺼﻮصأﻣﻮرٍﻣﺜﻞاﻟﻠﻐﺔواﻟﻌﻨﻒوالمﻠﺒﺲوأﻧﻤﺎطاﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼك 172

اﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺟﻪاﻟﻌﻤﻮم،وﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎﻣﺸﻜﻼتﺳﺎﻫﻤَﺖْﻓﻴﻬﺎاﻟﻌﻮلمﺔُوﺗَﻮاﻓُﻖاﻟﺸﺒﺎبﻣﻊاﻟﺘﺄﺛيرات اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ،وﺗُﻌَﺪﱡﻣﴫُﻣﺜﺎﻻًﺟﻠﻴٍّﺎﻋﲆذﻟﻚ. اﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖﺛﻮرةاﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲالمﴫيﺟﻤﺎلﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻨﺎﴏدونإراﻗﺔأيدﻣﺎء،وﻫﻮﻣﺎأدﱠى إﱃﺷﻌﻮراﻟﻌﺮبﺑﺎﻟﻔﺨﺮوﻗﻴﺎماﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎتاﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ،وﻣﻊوﻓﺎةاﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻨﺎﴏ ﻋﺎم٠٧٩١م،اﻧﺘﻘَﻞَاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدالمﴫيﻣﻦﺧﻄﻂإﻋﺎدةﺗﻮزﻳﻊاﻟﺪﺧﻞاﻟﺘﻲاﺳﺘﻔﺎدتﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎتاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔاﻷدﻧﻰ،إﱃﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔاﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎح)ﻓﺘﺢاﻟﺒﺎبﻟﻼﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎراﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ(ﰲﻋﻬﺪ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲأﻧﻮراﻟﺴﺎدات)٨٧٩١–١٨٩١م(،اﻟﺘﻲاﺳﺘﻤﺮتوازدادتﰲﻋﻬﺪاﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎرك)١٨٩١–١١٠٢م(.وﺑﺎلمﺜﻞاﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖاﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎتالمﴫﻳﺔﻣﻦالمﻮاﺟَﻬﺔﻣﻊاﻟﻐﺮبﰲ ﻋﻬﺪﻧﺎﴏإﱃاﻟﺘﻮاﻓُﻖﻣﻌﻪ،وﻫﻮﻣﺎﺷﻤﻞﻓﺘﺢاﻷﺑﻮابﻟﻺﻋﻼﻧﺎتالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻋﲆاﻟﻔﻮر ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ)اﻟﺠﻨﺪي،١٨٩١(،وﻛﺬﻟﻚﺣﺪوثﺗﻐﻴيرﰲاﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت)اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔواﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ(ﻣﻊ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ.وﻗﺪأﻃﻠﻖاﻟﺒﻌﺾﻋﲆﻫﺬااﻟﺘﺤﻮﱡلﻣﺴﻤﱠﻰ ﺟﺰءًاﻣﻦاﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪة)اﻟﺘﻲﺗﺸﻤﻞاﻵناﻟﴩﻛﺎتِاﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻴﺔَواﻟﻜﻮرﻳﺔ واﻟﺼﻴﻨﻴﺔ،وﻟﻴﺲاﻟﴩﻛﺎتاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔﻓﻘﻂ(،ﻣﻊاﻟﺤﻔﺎظﰲﻛﻠﺘﺎاﻟﺤﺎﻟﺘينﻋﲆﻛﺎﻓﺔأوﺟﻪ اﻟﺠﻤﻮدالمﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔﺑﺎﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔاﻟﻌﺎلمﻴﺔ)ﺳﻤﻴﺚ،٩٩٩١(.وﻟﻜﻦاﻟﻔﺮقﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚﻫﻮأﻧﻪ—وﻋﲆﻋﻜﺲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪة—ﻻﻳﻮﺟﺪﰲﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎتاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ ﺗﻌﺎﻃُﻒٌﻣﺸﻬﻮدٌﺑيناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔواﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ،ﺑﻞﻳﻮﺟﺪﺗﻌﺎرضٌ؛وﻟﻬﺬا ﻧﻼﺣﻆﰲﻣﴫﻇﻬﻮرَأﺷﻜﺎلٍﺟﺪﻳﺪةٍﻟﻠﱢﺒﺎساﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲﺗﺘﻤﻴﱠﺰﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔاﻟﺠﺴﺪ،وﰲالمﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺠﺪاﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾَﰲاﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎتالمﻤﻴﺰةﻟﻺﻋﻼماﻟﻐﺮﺑﻲ،اﻟﺘﻲﺗﺴﻬﺐﰲﺗﻌﺮﻳﺔﺟﺴﺪالمﺮأة. وﻳﺠﺮيﺣﺎﻟﻴٍّﺎﻧﻘﺎشٌﺣﺎمٍﻓﻴﻤﺎﺑينالمُﻨﻈﱢﺮﻳﻦاﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴين)ﻫيرﺷﻜﺎﻳﻨﺪ،٦٠٠٢؛ ﻣﺤﻤﻮد،٥٠٠٢(ﺣﻮلﻛﻮناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎتﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎﻣﺤﺎﻓِﻈﺔًوﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔًﺑﺎلمﺎﴈأمأن أﻓﻜﺎرﻫﺎﻋﴫﻳﺔوﻣﺒﺘﻜﺮةﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎس)أرﻣﺴﱰوﻧﺞ،٠٠٠٢(.وﻳﺸيرﻫﺎرتوﻧﻴﺠﺮي)١٠٠٢: ٨٤١(إﱃأن اﺑﺘﻜﺎرٌﺟﺪﻳﺪٌﻳﻤﺜﱢﻞﺟﺰءًاﻣﻦﻣﴩوعٍﺳﻴﺎﳼﱟﻣﻀﺎدﱟﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎماﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲالمﻌﺎﴏ ﻣﺎﻳﺤﺴﻦﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﻤﻮسٍﻳُﺸﺎرإﻟﻴﻪأﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎﺑﺎﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔأواﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ،وﻟﻜﻦﻳُﻮﺻَﻒﻫﻨﺎﺑﺎلمﺆﺳﴘ.وﻗﺪأﺷﺎر ﺳﺎﻳﻤﻮنوﻳﺴﱰنإﱃﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔٍﺗﺤﺘﺎجﻣﺰﻳﺪًاﻣﻦاﻟﺒﺤﺚ،وﻫﻲﺧﺮوجأﻧﺼﺎراﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ المﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ—اﻟﺘﻲﺗُﻌَﺪﱡﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎسﻛﻴﺎﻧًﺎلمﻘﺎوﻣﺔاﻧﻬﻴﺎراﻷﴎة—ﻋﻦﻣﺴﺎر المﻘﺎوﻣﺔاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔﰲﻋﻤﻮﻣﻬﺎ،ﻣﻦﺧﻼلاﻟﺘﻜﻴﱡﻒﻣﻊﻋﺎﻟﻢاﻷﻋﻤﺎلوﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖﻗِﻴَﻤﻬﻢ 173

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﻪ)وﻳﺴﱰن،٤٠٠٢:٩٢(.وﰲﺿﻮءﻫﺬااﻟﻮﺿﻊﺗﺼيراﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔﻫﻲاﻟﺴﻼح اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘﰲﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮأﻓﻜﺎردﻳﻨﻴﺔﻋﻦﻗِﻴَﻢأﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﻟﻴﺴﺖﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳٍّﺎﻋﲆاﻹﻃﻼق )ﻛﺎﻟﺘﺒﺪﻳﺪأواﻹﻫﺪارﻋﲆﺳﺒﻴﻞالمﺜﺎل(،وإﻧﻤﺎﻫﻲﻗِﻴَﻢﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻧﺎﺗﺠﺔﻋﻦاﻟﺨﻠﻞﰲأداء اﻟﴩﻛﺎتواﻟﺴﻮق.ﺛﻢﻳﺴﺘﻄﺮدوﻳﺴﱰنﻣُﻘﺪﱢرًاأنﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖاﻟﻘِﻴَﻢﺑيناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴينالمﺴﻴﺤﻴين وأﺻﻮﻟﻴﻲاﻟﺴﻮقاﻟﺤﺮةﻳﻮﻓﱢﺮﻣﺠﺎﻻًﻳﻴﴪﱢاﺳﺘﻘﻄﺎبَﻣﺰﻳﺪٍﻣﻦاﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌينﻣﻤﱠﻦﻳﺮونﰲ اﻷﺟﻨﺪاتاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔﻋﺪوٍّاﺟﺪﻳﺪًا.وﻟﻜﻦﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﺮىاﻹﻧﺠﻴﻠﻴﻮنأناﻟﻘِﻴَﻢاﻷﴎﻳﺔاﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﰲﺧﻄﺮٍﻣﻦاﻟﻠﻴﱪاﻟﻴين)ﻓﺮاﻧﻚ،٤١٠٢(،ﻗﺪﺗﻜﻮناﻷﻃﺮافاﻟﺘﻲﻳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒﻣﻌﻬﺎالمﺆﻣﻨﻮن المﺴﻴﺤﻴﻮنﻫﻲﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎاﻟﺴﺒﺐﰲﺗﺪﻣيرﻫﺬهاﻟﻘِﻴَﻢﰲاﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎتالمﺘﺤﺪةﰲواﻗﻊاﻷﻣﺮ. إناﻟﺮؤىاﻷﻧﺜﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔﺗﻤﺜﱢﻞاﻟﻠﱠﺒِﻨﺎتاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﺸﻜﱠﻞاﺳﺘﻨﺎدًاإﱃاﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ اﻹﺛﻨﻮﺟﺮاﻓﻴﺔ.وﻧﻈﺮًاﻷنﴍﻛﺎتاﻷﻋﻤﺎلﺗُﻌَﺪﱡأﻗﻮىالمﺆﺳﺴﺎتﰲﻋﴫﻧﺎاﻟﺤﺎﱄ،ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أنﺗﺘﻌﺎدَلَﻗﻠﱠﺔُالمﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎتاﻹﺛﻨﻮﺟﺮاﻓﻴﺔالمﺘﻌﻠﱢﻘﺔﺑﻬﺬهالمﺆﺳﺴﺔالمﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ،ﻣﻊاﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻘﻴﺔاﻟﻐﻨﻴﱠﺔاﻟﺘﻲﻋَﻤِﻞﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎﻋﻠﻤﺎءُاﻷﻧﺜﺮوﺑﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎﰲدراﺳﺘﻬﻢﻟﺘﺒﻌﺎتاﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ المﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻣﻊﻣﺮوراﻟﻮﻗﺖ)دوﻛﺎس،٣٠٠٢؛ﻣﺎﺗﻲوﻧﺎدر،٨٠٠٢(.ﻓﻨﺤﻦﻧﻌﺎﻧﻲﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺔﻣﻦاﻟﺴﻄﺤﻴﺔاﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ،وﺣﺘﻰﻧﺘﻤﻜﱠﻦﻣﻦﺗﻔﺴيراﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟُﻔﺎتﻏيرالمﺘﻮﻗﱠﻌﺔاﻟﺘﻲﻻ ﺗﻜﻮنﺟﻠﻴﱠﺔًﺑﺎلمﻼﺣﻈﺔالمﺒﺪﺋﻴﺔ،ﻧﺤﺘﺎجﻟﻠﺮﺑﻂﺑينﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎتاﻟﺘﺤﻮﱡلإﱃاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ،ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮب أﺷﺒﻪﻣﺎﻳﻜﻮنﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮبﻓﻴﱪﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎوازَىﺑيناﻟﱪوﺗﺴﺘﺎﻧﺘﻴﺔوأﻧﻮاعﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔﻣﻦاﻟﺮأﺳﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ. وﻓﻴﻤﺎﻳﺨﺺﱡالمﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔالمﻄﺮوﺣﺔﰲﻫﺬااﻟﻔﺼﻞ،ﻓﺈناﻟﺮواﺑﻂﺗُﺮﺳَﻢﺑيناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ المﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ)اﻟﺘﻲﻟﻢﺗَﻌُﺪْأﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔًﻓﺤﺴﺐ(وﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔِاﻟﺤﺼﺎراﻟﻨﺎﺟﻤﺔﻋﻨﻬﺎﰲ اﻟﺨﺎرجﺑيناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺎتاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔﰲاﻟﴩقاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ،ﻫﺬاﻋﲆاﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦأناﻟﺨﻄﺮاﻟﺬي ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪاﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔُالمﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔالمﻌﺎﴏةأﺿﺤﻰ،ﺑﺤﻠﻮلاﻟﻘﺮناﻟﺤﺎديواﻟﻌﴩﻳﻦ،ﻣﺘﻐﻠﻐﻼً ﰲالمﺸﻬﺪاﻟﺠﻐﺮاﰲاﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼاﻟﻌﺎلمﻲﺑﺄﴎه.وﻟﻬﺬا،ﻓﺈﻧﻪﻣﻦاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺮﺑﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎماﻟﺮﺑﻂُ ﺑيناﻟﺸﺒﺎب،واﻟﺤﺮوب،واﻟﻌﻨﻒوأﺣﺪاثاﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲﺑﺼﻔﺔﻋﺎﻣﺔ،وﻫﺬااﻟﺮﺑﻂﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﺄﻫﻞاﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎمَﺑﻤﺎﻳﺘﺠﺎوزدراﺳﺔَالمﻤﺎرﺳﺎتاﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔأوالمﺤﻠﻴﺔاﻷﺻﻐﺮ؛إذإناﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ المﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔﻗﺪﺗﺴﺒﱠﺒَﺖْﰲﻗﻴﺎماﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔﻏيراﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔلمﻘﺎوَﻣﺔِاﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ أﺷﻜﺎﻟُﻬﺎاﻟﻴﻮمَ،وﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎﻣﺎﺗﺘﻮرﱠطﰲﻫﺠﻤﺎتﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ.إﻻأناﻟﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔاﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ،ﺳﻮاء أﻛﺎﻧﺖأﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔأمﻏيرأﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ،ﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﻲاﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔاﻟﺠﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ،ﺑﻞﺗﺠﻠﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎاﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ؛ أيﺗﻨﺸﺌﺔاﻷﻃﻔﺎلﺑﺤﻴﺚﻳﺼﺒﺢأﻓﺮادُاﻷﴎةاﻟﻮاﺣﺪةﻣﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜينﻓﺮدﻳينﻣﻨﻔﺼﻠينﻋﻦ 174

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اﻟﻔﺼﻞاﻟﺴﺎدس اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔوﺑﺬوراﻟﻼﻋﻨﻒﰲ اﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲاﻟﻔﻌﲇ،ﻻاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲالمُﺘﻮﻫﱠﻢ؛اﻟﺤﻴﺎةاﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔﻟﻠﺸﻌﻮب اﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ،ﻻاﻟﺤﻴﺎةالمُﺘﻮﻫﱠﻤﺔﻟﻠﻘﻮاﻟﺐاﻟﻨﻤﻄﻴﺔ. ﺟﻴﻤﺲزﻏﺒﻲ)٠١٠٢:٦( ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻳﺤﻔﻞاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ،واﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪًا،ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻮﱡع؛إذﺗﻌﺪﱠدتاﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻼﻗﺖ ﰲﻫﺬهالمﻨﻄﻘﺔﻋﲆﻣﺪاراﻷﻟﻒﻋﺎمالمﺎﺿﻴﺔ،ﺑﺤﻴﺚأﺻﺒﺢﻣﻦاﻟﺼﻌﺐﺗﻤﻴﻴﺰُﺳﻤﺎﺗﻬﺎ اﻷﺻﻴﻠﺔﻓﻴﻤﺎﻳﺘﻌﻠﱠﻖﺑﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢاﻟﻼﻋﻨﻒ،إنوُﺟِﺪَﻳﻮﻣًﺎﻣﺎﺷﺎﺑَﻪَذﻟﻚﻣﻦﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ.وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ،ﺧﻄﺮﱄﰲﻣﺤﺎﴐﺗﻲاﻟﺘﻲأﻟﻘﻴﺘُﻬﺎﻋﺎم٥٨٩١مﰲاﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔاﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔﰲاﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة، أﻧﻪﺳﻴﻜﻮنﻣﻦالمﻔﻴﺪﻟﻔْﺖُاﻻﻧﺘﺒﺎهإﱃاﻷﺑﻌﺎداﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔواﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔاﻟﺘﻲﻗﺪﺗﻜﻮنﻣﻨﺘﴩةً ﻋﲆاﻷﻗﻞﰲالمﻨﻄﻘﺔ،ورﺑﻤﺎﻳﻤﻜﻦﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎاﻟﺘﻮﺻﱡﻞإﱃﺑﻌﺾاﻷﻓﻜﺎر،ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣُﻞﻣﻊﺳﻠﻮك اﻷﻓﺮادﰲﺣﺎﻻتاﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮةاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔواﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ،اﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﻼءمﻣﻊﻗِﻴَﻢالمﻨﻄﻘﺔأﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦﻧﻤﺎذجاﻻﻧﺴﺠﺎماﻹﺟﺒﺎريأواﻹدارةاﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔاﻟﺘﻲﺗﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎاﻟﺪولُاﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔاﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ المﻌﺎﴏة،وﺗُﺴﺘَﻮرَدﻟﺘُﻄﺒﱠﻖﰲاﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢاﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ. وَﻟْﻨﺘﺄﻣﱠﻞْأوﻻًاﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣُﻞَاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲﰲاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ.إناﻹﺳﻼم—ﻛﻤﺎﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮن— أﺳﻠﻮبُﺣﻴﺎةٍ،وأﺷﺪُﺳﻤﺎتاﻹﺳﻼمإدﻫﺎﺷًﺎﻫﻲالمﻜﺎﻧﺔُالمﺮﻣﻮﻗﺔﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮن؛ﻓﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮنﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﱪﱢﻋﻨﻪاﻟﺪﻳﻦُﻫﻮاﻟﻘﻮةاﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔاﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔﰲالمﺠﺘﻤﻊ.وﻳﻤﻴﻞاﻟﻨﺎسﰲاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ

اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ إﱃاﺳﺘﺨﺪاماﻟﺘﻌﺎﺑيراﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔﰲﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔأﻣﻮراﻟﺤﻴﺎة،أوﻋﲆاﻷﻗﻞﻫﺬاﻫﻮﻣﺎﻳﺼﺪم المﺘﺎﺑِﻊﻣﻦاﻟﻐﺮب.واﻟﻌﺮبﻋﲆوﺟﻪاﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎﻣﺎﻳﻮاﺟِﻬﻮنﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻬﻢاﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪاماﻟﻠﻐﺔاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ،ﺳﻮاءأﻛﺎﻧﻮاﰲﻣﻨﺘﺪًىﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲأمﻻ.واﻟﺸﻌﻮباﻟﴩقأوﺳﻄﻴﺔ، ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔًﺑﺎﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴينﻣﺜﻼً،ﻳَﻈﻬﺮونﺑﻤﻈﻬﺮاﻟﺸﻌﺐاﻟﻮاﻋﻲﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮنوالمُﻄﺒﱢﻖﻟﻪ)ﻣﺎﻳﺮ، ٥٨٩١(؛وﻟﻬﺬاﻓﺈناﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤينﻋﲆﺳَﻦﱢوﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن)ﺳﻮاءأﻛﺎناﻟﻌﺮﰲأماﻟﴩﻋﻲ أمالمﺤﲇ(ﰲاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ،ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮنﻣﻊﺟﻤﻬﻮرٍﻟﺪﻳﻪوﻋﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ.ﻟُﻮﺣِﻆﻛﺬﻟﻚ أناﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮنﻳﻔﺮضاﻟﻨﻈﺎمﰲاﻟﴫاعﻣﻦأﺟﻞاﻟﺤﺼﻮلﻋﲆالمﻮاردالمﺤﺪودة)اﻟﺜﺮوة أوالمﻜﺎﻧﺔأواﻟﴩفواﻟﻜﺮاﻣﺔ(،وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢﻣﻦوﺟﻮدالمﺤﺎﻣينﰲاﻟﴩقاﻷوﺳﻂ،ﻓﻘﺪ ﺻﺎرتاﻟﻌﺎدةﰲالمﺤﺎﻛﻢأنﻳﺘﺤﺪﱠثالمﺘﺨﺎﺻﻤﻮنﺑﺎﻷﺻﺎﻟﺔﻋﻦأﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ،واﻟﻐﻴﺎبُاﻟﻨﺴﺒﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻣينواﻟﺪﻓﺎعِﻳﺤﻮﱢلاﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰَﰲﻗﺎﻋﺔالمﺤﻜﻤﺔإﱃاﻟﻘﺎﴈ.وﻧﻈﺎماﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔالمﻌﺘﻤِﺪﻋﲆ اﻟﻘﺎﴈﻳﺠﺬباﻟﺸﺨﺺَاﻟﻌﺎديداﺧﻞاﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔٍﻻﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊأنﻳﺤﻘﱢﻘﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎمُاﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔالمﻌﺘﻤِﺪﻋﲆالمﺤﺎﻣﻲ. وﻳُﻌﱪﱢﻣﺎرﺗﻦﺷﺎﺑيروﰲدراﺳﺔﻣﻘﺎرَﻧﺔأﺟﺮاﻫﺎﻋﲆالمﺤﺎﻛﻢ)٦٨٩١:٥٩١(ﻋﻦﻋﺪة ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎتإﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔﻣﻔﻴﺪة،ﻓﻴﻘﻮل واﻟﺨﺎﻃﺌﺔﻣﻦوﺟﻬﺔاﻟﻨﻈﺮاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ،وﻟﻜﻦﺗﺘﻨﺎولﻛﺬﻟﻚاﻷﻣﻮراﻟﺠﻴﺪة،واﻷﻓﻀﻞﻣﻨﻬﺎ، واﻷﻓﻀﻞﻋﲆاﻹﻃﻼقﻣﻦاﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔاﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﴩﻳﻌﻲاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲأناﻟﺤﻖﰲاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮنواﻟﺪﻳﻦﻳﺘﺤﺪﱠدﺑﻨﺎءًﻋﲆإﺟﻤﺎعالمﺆﻣﻨين،وﻟﻴﺲ اﺳﺘﻨﺎدًاإﱃأواﻣﺮأيﱢﺷﺨﺺﺣﻲﱟ.ﻛﻤﺎﻳﺮﺣﱢﺐاﻹﺳﻼمﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔﻛﺒيرةﻣﻦاﻵراءالمﺘﻨﻮﱢﻋﺔ داﺧﻞَإﻃﺎرﻫﺬااﻹﺟﻤﺎعاﻟﺸﺎﻣﻞ وﻟﻜﻦﻳﺠﻮزﻛﺬﻟﻚوﺟﻮدآراءﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔداﺧﻞالمﺪرﺳﺔاﻟﻮاﺣﺪةﻛﻤﺎرأﻳﻨﺎ،ﺑﻞإنالمﻔﻬﻮم اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲﻟﻺﺟﻤﺎعﻫﻮﰲاﻟﻌﻤﻮمﻧﻮعٌﻣﻦاﻻﺗﻔﺎقاﻟﻌﻔﻮيالمﺘﺠﺪﱢد،وﻟﻴﺲﻓﺮﺿًﺎﻟﻠﺘﻤﺎﺛﻞ )٦٨٩١:٣٠٢(. وﻳﺘﻜﻮﱠناﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮنﰲاﻟﺒﻠﺪاناﻟﴩقأوﺳﻄﻴﺔﻣﻦﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔواﻓﺮةﻣﻦالمﺒﺎدئالمﺘﻨﺎﺛﺮة ﰲﻣﻴﺎدﻳﻦﻻﺣﴫَﻟﻬﺎ،ﻓﻴﺘﻢﺟﻤْﻌُﻬﺎواﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎرُﻣﻦﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ،وأﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎﺗﺠﺎﻫﻠُﻬﺎ،ﰲإﻃﺎر ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔاﺗﺨﺎذاﻟﻘﺮاراﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ.وﻗﺪاﻣﺘﺰﺟﺖاﻟﴩﻳﻌﺔاﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔواﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮناﻟﻌﺮﰲواﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن المﻮروثﻣﻦاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮناﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎري،وأﺻﺒﺤﻮاأﺟﺰاءًﻣﻦاﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔاﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔالمﺤﻠﻴﺔ.وﻳﺮى اﻟﺒﻌﺾأناﻟﻔﱰةاﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎرﻳﺔوﺳﱠﻌَﺖاﻟﺨﻴﺎراتِاﻟﺘﻲﺗﻠﺠﺄإﻟﻴﻬﺎاﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎتُاﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ،ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺮىآﺧَﺮونأنﻣﺎاﺳﺘﻌﺎرَﺗْﻪاﻟﺪولُاﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪةﻣﻦاﻟﻘﻮاﻧيناﻹدارﻳﺔواﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﺔواﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ 182